karl lemberg (26 resultados)

Condición: New.

Condición: New.

Broschiert. Condición: Gut. 426 Seiten; Das Buch befindet sich in einem gut erhaltenen Zustand. Sprache: Deutsch Gewicht in Gramm: 840.

Softcover. First Edition; First Printing. Book condition is Very Good in wraps. Slight foxing to covers. Some edge wear to exterior. Text is clean and unmarked. ; 8vo. 9"h x 6"w. In this issue: "A Solid Foundation for Human Ethics", "Chance and the Life Game", "Is Life an Accident?", "God and the Contingent World", "The Complementarity of Religion and Science: A Trialogue".

Marburg, Herder-Institut 1991. 426 Seiten. Orig. Broschur, 8°. Sehr gut erhalten. Historische und Landeskundliche Ostmitteleuropa-Studien, Band 7.

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Seminar paper from the year 2004 in the subject American Studies - Culture and Applied Geography, grade: 1,0, University of Potsdam, course: International Environmental Policy, language: English, abstract: Climate change is the extraordinary warming of the Earth from increased concentration of greenhouse gasses (GHG)1 and the climate consequences of that warming, which can be in many ways harmful to humans and the environment.2 In the 1980s climate change appeared on the agenda in international politics3 but only since the end of the Cold War the climate change debate has shifted into the focus of concern in foreign policy circles4 until it was swept away by an omnipresent War on Terror after September 11. The United States, as the world's largest polluter5 to climate change - US emissions of CO exceed those of all other countries6 plus on a per capita basis US CO -emissions are the highest off all countries7 - plays a major, if not the decisive, role in international environmental politics and the dialogue for a global strategy to address climate change. While the United States was one of the leading countries in terms of progressive domestic legislation and one of the driving forces behind international environmental agreements (e.g. dealing with the problem of ozone depletion culminating in the Montreal Protocol) 8, the US is now not only blocking the Kyoto Protocol, but also actively pressuring other undecided countries not to sign and ratify the Protocol. Paradoxically, American scientists have played a leading role in identifying the anthropogenic affect on global warming and its dangerous consequences, yet political commitment and leadership to address the climate change problem is very weak.American foreign policy especially with regards to climate change can only be explained by a myriad of factors, ranging from concerns for national interests and the influence of domestic politics, to the ability of exercising leadership.9 In the course of this paper I want to shed some light on the politics behind the U.S. climate change policy. The main questions will be: Who are the key players in the decision-making process and which groups influence the policy-shaping of these key players. In the end I will reflect my findings upon the U.S. politics around the Kyoto Protocol and compare the approach to climate change policy of former President Clinton with that of current President Bush. My primary non-academic source is a telephone interview with Daniel Chao - legislative director for Congresswomen Grace Napolitano (D-CA) in the US House of Representatives and key Democratic10 House staffer for environmental issues - conducted December 28, 2003.

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Seminar paper from the year 2003 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: USA, grade: 1,0, University of Potsdam, course: Public policy and institutions, language: English, abstract: The dominant player in international politics is unmistakably the United States of America. U.S. economic, military and cultural superiority is shaping world politics and setting the stage for the next generation. U.S. foreign policy features the image of the United States President and to a lesser extent that of the Secretary of State and Defense. They are the predominant figures that drive U.S. foreign policy on the international stage. The system of checks and balances neatly involves two branches of government - executive and legislative - in a construct of interdependence. Congress is the government branch of 'the people'. The two-year term cycles for House Representatives and the large number of districts make Congress the most 'representative' institution in the U.S. government. In contemporary political science the state of being represented is described by 'Principle-Agent-Relationship', in which the representative - the agent - closely represents his constituency - the principle. 'It doesn't pay off for my constituency' said Rep. Grace Napolitano (D-CA) when asked, why she wanted to get off of the House International Relations Committee (HIRC). This incident was my first impression of foreign policy in the U.S. Congress. Having heard that, I went to a HIRC oversight hearing to see how they conduct their business. What struck me most was the fact that the members devoted approx. half of their speaking time of total five minutes to the actual issue at stake and the other half to an issue that was absolutely irrelevant to the pending business. As I found out later, the irrelevant issues were important for the individual member to have been mentioned to the panel and C-SPAN. The subsequent past months I spent on 'the Hill', observing congressional (foreign) policy- and decision-making, with three leading questions bearing in mind:1. Is the U.S. Congress important for U.S. foreign policy 2. What factors influence decision making in foreign policy 3. Does constituency play a role in the making and shaping of foreign policy.

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. All politics is local - congressional decision-making in foreign policy | Karl Lemberg | Taschenbuch | 40 S. | Englisch | 2007 | GRIN Verlag | EAN 9783638658287 | Verantwortliche Person für die EU: GRIN Publishing GmbH, Waltherstr. 23, 80337 München, info[at]grin[dot]com | Anbieter: preigu.

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. The politics behind U.S. environmental foreign policy on climate change | Karl Lemberg | Taschenbuch | 24 S. | Englisch | 2010 | GRIN Verlag | EAN 9783640633449 | Verantwortliche Person für die EU: GRIN Publishing GmbH, Waltherstr. 23, 80337 München, info[at]grin[dot]com | Anbieter: preigu.

149 S. Sprache: Deutsch Gewicht in Gramm: 0 OLn (Zoll- und Steuer-Juristische Bücherei).

Hirt, Kiel, 1959. XV S./694 S. mit einigen Karten, original Leinen mit in Gold geprägtem Titel--- 750 Gramm.

183 Seiten mit Goldschnitt Exlibris,Stempel auf Titel und Titelrückseite. Sprache: Deutsch Gewicht in Gramm: 370 Kl.-8°,aufwendig dekorierter Originalganzleineneinband mit Golddruck.

Condición: 1. Walzerlied / Polka. Noten. Combo. Klavierdirektion und Stimmen 25 S. .

Condición: 1. Walzerlied / Polka. Noten. Blasorchester. Stimmensatz 40 S. .

183 S., Sprache: Deutsch Gewicht in Gramm: 0 Broschur, insgesamt lose, etwas gebräunt, unbeschnitten.

Gebunden. Condición: New. Ohne einen einheitlichen und modernisierten Verkehrsraum kann es ein neues und vereintes Europa nicht geben. Die Verteilung von Guetern, Ideen und Menschen ist nur durch das Medium des Verkehrs moeglich. Wie Europa im 20. Jahrhundert durch Verkehr und Mobilit.

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. This item is printed on demand - it takes 3-4 days longer - Neuware -Seminar paper from the year 2003 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: USA, grade: 1,0, University of Potsdam, course: Public policy and institutions, language: English, abstract: The dominant player in international politics is unmistakably the United States of America. U.S. economic, military and cultural superiority is shaping world politics and setting the stage for the next generation. U.S. foreign policy features the image of the United States President and to a lesser extent that of the Secretary of State and Defense. They are the predominant figures that drive U.S. foreign policy on the international stage. The system of checks and balances neatly involves two branches of government - executive and legislative - in a construct of interdependence. Congress is the government branch of 'the people'. The two-year term cycles for House Representatives and the large number of districts make Congress the most 'representative' institution in the U.S. government. In contemporary political science the state of being represented is described by 'Principle-Agent-Relationship', in which the representative - the agent - closely represents his constituency - the principle. 'It doesn't pay off for my constituency' said Rep. Grace Napolitano (D-CA) when asked, why she wanted to get off of the House International Relations Committee (HIRC). This incident was my first impression of foreign policy in the U.S. Congress. Having heard that, I went to a HIRC oversight hearing to see how they conduct their business. What struck me most was the fact that the members devoted approx. half of their speaking time of total five minutes to the actual issue at stake and the other half to an issue that was absolutely irrelevant to the pending business. As I found out later, the irrelevant issues were important for the individual member to have been mentioned to the panel and C-SPAN. The subsequent past months I spent on 'the Hill', observing congressional (foreign) policy- and decision-making, with three leading questions bearing in mind:1. Is the U.S. Congress important for U.S. foreign policy 2. What factors influence decision making in foreign policy 3. Does constituency play a role in the making and shaping of foreign policy 40 pp. Englisch.

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. This item is printed on demand - it takes 3-4 days longer - Neuware -Seminar paper from the year 2004 in the subject American Studies - Culture and Applied Geography, grade: 1,0, University of Potsdam, course: International Environmental Policy, language: English, abstract: Climate change is the extraordinary warming of the Earth from increased concentration of greenhouse gasses (GHG)1 and the climate consequences of that warming, which can be in many ways harmful to humans and the environment.2 In the 1980s climate change appeared on the agenda in international politics3 but only since the end of the Cold War the climate change debate has shifted into the focus of concern in foreign policy circles4 until it was swept away by an omnipresent War on Terror after September 11. The United States, as the world's largest polluter5 to climate change - US emissions of CO exceed those of all other countries6 plus on a per capita basis US CO -emissions are the highest off all countries7 - plays a major, if not the decisive, role in international environmental politics and the dialogue for a global strategy to address climate change. While the United States was one of the leading countries in terms of progressive domestic legislation and one of the driving forces behind international environmental agreements (e.g. dealing with the problem of ozone depletion culminating in the Montreal Protocol) 8, the US is now not only blocking the Kyoto Protocol, but also actively pressuring other undecided countries not to sign and ratify the Protocol. Paradoxically, American scientists have played a leading role in identifying the anthropogenic affect on global warming and its dangerous consequences, yet political commitment and leadership to address the climate change problem is very weak.American foreign policy especially with regards to climate change can only be explained by a myriad of factors, ranging from concerns for national interests and the influence of domestic politics, to the ability of exercising leadership.9 In the course of this paper I want to shed some light on the politics behind the U.S. climate change policy. The main questions will be: Who are the key players in the decision-making process and which groups influence the policy-shaping of these key players. In the end I will reflect my findings upon the U.S. politics around the Kyoto Protocol and compare the approach to climate change policy of former President Clinton with that of current President Bush. My primary non-academic source is a telephone interview with Daniel Chao - legislative director for Congresswomen Grace Napolitano (D-CA) in the US House of Representatives and key Democratic10 House staffer for environmental issues - conducted December 28, 2003. 24 pp. Englisch.

0. 8° 183 S. Grüner O.-Leinw. m. vergold. Rück.-u. Deck.-Tit., schöne Rück.-u. Deck.-Vergold., Ganz-Goldschn., Kanten leicht berieben, papierbedingt gebräunt, innen sauber erhalten. Besitzerverm. a. Tit.-Bl. Auf Wunsch senden wir gerne ein Foto des Buches via E-mail Sprache: Deutschu 0,550 gr.

8°. 1 S. Verso Adressat. Kl. hinterlegte Fehlstelle im Text (Verlust eines Wortes).- Beiliegend ein Stahlstichporträt Dräxlers, gestochen von Kotterba. Dräxler studierte an der Univ. Wien zunächst Rechtswissenschaften, später Philologie, wurde nach der Promotion in Leipzig 1829 als gebürtiger Galizier nicht zum österr. Staatsdienst zugelassen und wandte sich daraufhin der Publizistik zu. 1834-36 redigierte er das "Brockhaus'sche Pfennigmagazin" in Wien und schloß Bekanntschaft mit Nikolaus Lenau und Anastasius Grün. Er floh vor der Zensur unter Metternich ins Ausland, unternahm Reisen durch Deutschland, Belgien, Frankreich und England und ließ sich 1845 in Darmstadt nieder. Bis 1852 leitete er die Redaktion der "Darmstädter Zeitung" und gab dann bis 1858 "Die Muse. Blätter für ernste und heitere Unterhaltung" heraus; seit 1845 war er Dramaturg am Darmstädter Hoftheater (Saur, DBE).- An "Pönike u. Sohn" in Leipzig, denen er für die Zusendung der Eisenbahn-Dekrete dankt und bittet, ihm fehlende Nummern der "Eisenbahn" zu senden. Bietet auch seine Mitarbeit an.-.

Condición: New. Print on Demand pp. 24 424:B&W 5.83 x 8.27 in or 210 x 148 mm (A5) Perfect Bound on Creme w/Matte Lam.

Condición: New. Print on Demand pp. 24.

Kein Einband. Condición: Gut. Unveröffentlichtes, umfangreiches handschriftliches Werk des Generals und Militärschriftstellers Friedrich Karl von Langenau (1782-1840) über die k.k. Armee, begonnen Lemberg, den 3. April 1836 (er war dort Generalgouverneur). Im Nachwort schreibt er über diese Arbeit: "Sie ist für Niemanden sondern für mich ganz allein bestimmt und soll nur dazu dienen, meine eigenen Gedanken und Erfahrungen zu ordnen, über unsere Armee und ihre Verhältnisse zu der Monarchie." --- Die Kapitel lauten "I. Über die Verhältnisse der höchsten Staats-Gewalten der Monarchie zu einander. II. Über die höchste Verwaltungsbehörde der Armee. III. Über den Geist im Heere und über die Mittel ihn zu erhalten, Dislocation, gegenwärtige Jurisdictionsverhältnisse, Disciplin. IV. Über die Individualbeschreibung der Generäle, ihre Verwendung und Pensionirung; über die Inhabersrechte und das Beförderungssystem. V. Über die Ersparnisse in der Armee, besonders im Vergleich mit andern. VI. Über ein Befestigungssystem für die Monarchie. VII. Scinatitische Corps: Artillerie, Genie, Generalstaab, Bildungsanstalten. VIII. Über die Kavallerie. IX. Über die Infanterie. X. Bekleidung der Armee. Monturs Komissionen. XI. Rekrutirung, Capitulation. XII. Ärzte, Spitalsersparungen. XIII. Über das, was der General-Gouverneur einer Provinz sein sollte. (XIV.) Schluß." --- Von fremder Hand ein Einbandtitel, wobei das 1. Kapitel als Titel genommen wurde, mit der Anmerkung: "Sehr interessante Studie über die Armee-Verhältnisse i.J. 1836, vom kommandirenden General in Lemberg 1836 , F. M. Lt. Friedrich Carl Langenau, Theresienritter, + 1840." Lemberg 1836 Deutsche Handschrift auf Papier, datiert Lemberg, den 3. April 1836. Wohl nicht eigenhändig. Umfang: eine Seite Inhaltsverzeichnis + 128 beschriebene, nicht nummerierte Seiten (36 x 23 cm). Vollständiges, unveröffentlichtes Werk! --- Zustand: Papiereinband und Inhaltsverzeichnis lose, der Rest vorliegend in vier fadengebundenen Teilen. --- Zustand: Papier gebräunt und etwas fleckig, mit einigen ungarischen Sammlerstempeln. Über den Verfasser: Friedrich Karl Gustav August Freiherr von Langenau (* 7. November 1782 in Dresden; gest. 4. Juli 1840 in Graz) war ein k. k. Wirklicher Geheimer Rat und Kämmerer, Feldmarschallleutnant, Kommandierender General in Illyrien, Innerösterreich und Tirol, Inhaber des Linien-Infanterie-Regiments Nr. 49 und Theresienritter. Er war auch Diplomat und Militärschriftsteller. Herkunft und Familie: Friedrich entstammte einer adligen Familie aus Schlesien und war der Sohn des Gottlob Bernhard von Langenau (* 7. März 1737; gest. 10. Juni 1794), kursächsischer Generalleutnant und Inspektor der Infanterie und des Festungsbaus, der mit Friederike Alexandrine (1759-1804), Tochter des preußischen Oberstleutnants und residierenden Kommendators des Johanniterordens auf Lagow Friedrich Wilhelm von Pannwitz (1719-1790), verheiratet war. Auch sein Bruder Wilhelm Eduard Georg (* 14. Oktober 1787; gest. 26. Dezember 1860) betrat die Militärlaufbahn und wurde am 8. Oktober 1859 mit dem Titel eines Feldmarschalleutnants ad honores pensioniert. Der General war mit Sarah von Sturtz (gest. 1851) vermählt. Aus dieser Ehe gingen zwei Töchter Marie Alexandrine (* 30. Oktober 1811), vermählt 1840 mit dem Geheimen Rat und Feldzeugmeister (19. Februar 1864) Karl Freiherr von Mertens (* 25. Juli 1803; gest. 25. März 1874) und Carolina (* 23. Oktober 1813), Ehrendame des Theresien-Ordens sowie der Sohn Ferdinand (1818-1881) hervor. Letzterer war ein österreichischer außerordentlicher Gesandter und Ministre plénipotentiaire sowie General der Kavallerie. Biographie: In Sachsen: Langenau trat mit erst 13 Jahren als Fähnrich 1795 in die kursächsische Armee ein in welchem er 1796 den Feldzug gegen Frankreich mitmachte und in der Schlacht bei Wetzlar focht. Danach kämpfte er in den Reihen der sächsischen Armee in den Rheinfeldzügen, in der preußisch-französischen Kampagne der Jahre 1807 und 1808 und in jener des Jahres 1809 in Österreich,

Condición: New. PRINT ON DEMAND pp. 24.

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. This item is printed on demand - Print on Demand Titel. Neuware -Seminar paper from the year 2004 in the subject American Studies - Culture and Applied Geography, grade: 1,0, University of Potsdam, course: International Environmental Policy, language: English, abstract: Climate change is the extraordinary warming of the Earth from increased concentration of greenhouse gasses (GHG)1 and the climate consequences of that warming, which can be in many ways harmful to humans and the environment.2 In the 1980s climate change appeared on the agenda in international politics3 but only since the end of the Cold War the climate change debate has shifted into the focus of concern in foreign policy circles4 until it was swept away by an omnipresent War on Terror after September 11. The United States, as the world¿s largest polluter5 to climate change ¿ US emissions of CO exceed those of all other countries6 plus on a per capita basis US CO -emissions are the highest off all countries7 ¿ plays a major, if not the decisive, role in international environmental politics and the dialogue for a global strategy to address climate change. While the United States was one of the leading countries in terms of progressive domestic legislation and one of the driving forces behind international environmental agreements (e.g. dealing with the problem of ozone depletion culminating in the Montreal Protocol) 8, the US is now not only blocking the Kyoto Protocol, but also actively pressuring other undecided countries not to sign and ratify the Protocol. Paradoxically, American scientists have played a leading role in identifying the anthropogenic affect on global warming and its dangerous consequences, yet political commitment and leadership to address the climate change problem is very weak.American foreign policy especially with regards to climate change can only be explained by a myriad of factors, ranging from concerns for national interests and the influence of domestic politics, to the ability of exercising leadership.9 In the course of this paper I want to shed some light on the politics behind the U.S. climate change policy. The main questions will be: Who are the key players in the decision-making process and which groups influence the policy-shaping of these key players. In the end I will reflect my findings upon the U.S. politics around the Kyoto Protocol and compare the approach to climate change policy of former President Clinton with that of current President Bush. My primary non-academic source is a telephone interview with Daniel Chao ¿ legislative director for Congresswomen Grace Napolitano (D-CA) in the US House of Representatives and key Democratic10 House staffer for environmental issues ¿ conducted December 28, 2003.Books on Demand GmbH, Überseering 33, 22297 Hamburg 24 pp. Englisch.

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. This item is printed on demand - Print on Demand Titel. Neuware -Seminar paper from the year 2003 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: USA, grade: 1,0, University of Potsdam, course: Public policy and institutions, language: English, abstract: The dominant player in international politics is unmistakably the United States of America. U.S. economic, military and cultural superiority is shaping world politics and setting the stage for the next generation. U.S. foreign policy features the image of the United States President and to a lesser extent that of the Secretary of State and Defense. They are the predominant figures that drive U.S. foreign policy on the international stage. The system of checks and balances neatly involves two branches of government ¿ executive and legislative ¿ in a construct of interdependence. Congress is the government branch of ¿the people¿. The two-year term cycles for House Representatives and the large number of districts make Congress the most ¿representative¿ institution in the U.S. government. In contemporary political science the state of being represented is described by ¿Principle-Agent-Relationship¿, in which the representative ¿ the agent ¿ closely represents his constituency ¿ the principle. 'It doesn¿t pay off for my constituency'said Rep. Grace Napolitano (D-CA) when asked, why she wanted to get off of the House International Relations Committee (HIRC). This incident was my first impression of foreign policy in the U.S. Congress. Having heard that, I went to a HIRC oversight hearing to see how they conduct their business. What struck me most was the fact that the members devoted approx. half of their speaking time of total five minutes to the actual issue at stake and the other half to an issue that was absolutely irrelevant to the pending business. As I found out later, the irrelevant issues were important for the individual member to have been mentioned to the panel and C-SPAN. The subsequent past months I spent on ¿the Hill¿, observing congressional (foreign) policy- and decision-making, with three leading questions bearing in mind:1. Is the U.S. Congress important for U.S. foreign policy 2. What factors influence decision making in foreign policy 3. Does constituency play a role in the making and shaping of foreign policy Books on Demand GmbH, Überseering 33, 22297 Hamburg 40 pp. Englisch.