Bohler ron (123 resultados)

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Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. Neuware -Seminar paper from the year 2010 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 2.3, University of Bath, language: English, abstract: This essay examines how centre-right parties in Central and Eastern Europe change in their ambitions to become a member of the European Union. The study will briefly categorize centre-right parties in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in order to identify relevant case studies. It is then assumed that ongoing European integration processes have an apparent impact on the domestic level, and in particular on parties¿ opportunity structures within the national political arena. In the end, they inevitably adapt to these external pressures by either reacting receptive or by criticizing or rejecting the European project. Based on this assumption, the second part addresses the programmatic development and stance on Europe of major centre-right parties in Slovakia, Hungary and the Czech Republic between 1990 and 2006.In the same way that the European Union (EU) generally has deepened its policies and widened its geographic silhouette for decades, centre-right parties would be expected to become more ¿pro-European¿. In contrast, the aim of this essay is too prove this assumption wrong.While some comprehensive studies indicate such an interrelation for Western European centre-right parties, this does not bear in cases of centre-right parties in Central Eastern European (CEE) countries. These parties were all too enthusiastic about the break-down of the communist Soviet Union and the incipient era of democratic and economic transition and proclaimed accession to the European Union as an immediate necessity in their foreign policy agendas.…

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Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Seminar paper from the year 2010 in the subject Politics - Political Theory and the History of Ideas Journal, grade: 1.7, University of Bath, language: English, abstract: This essay examines deliberative democracy in recent theories and its limitations in reality. It starts by defining the term deliberative democracy along its own normative standards. Furthermore, the societal and political context in which deliberation as a form of governance by the people arose will be broached. The second section then addresses major shortcomings of deliberative thoughts, both theoretically and empirically.There is a huge difference between normative aspirations of deliberation theory on the one hand, and empirical evidence on the other. A prerequisite and similarity among all deliberative forms nevertheless is the existence of a lively public sphere, which guarantees communicative acting as well as the free exchange of information and opinions.The emergence and rise of deliberation brought forth both sympathizers and sceptics. While its proponents regarded deliberation as a solution to de-politicizing societies and people s disenchantment with politics, the latter ones remained pessimistic about the adaptability of the concept in practice.In theory, it seemed to be beyond question that deliberation would do better in terms of citizens participation, legitimacy and accountability of the political outcome than its representative counterparts in Western societies. The idea was to give back an active role to the public in the process of policy-making, and as such it was a radical approach.…

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Essay from the year 2011 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: Miscellaneous, grade: 2.0, University of Bath, language: English, abstract: '[T]he long history of failed regional agreements in South America and some developments in the integration process have raised some doubts about the capacity of bloc members to accomplish their ambitious intentions'. The hesitant progress in Latin American regional integration (Mercosur) caused increasing distrust if the uneven distribution of power resources and abilities within the region can lead to successful and steady integration processes. Is the regional hegemon Brazil perhaps too powerful in order to let this demanding project succeed Power configurations in regional orders are, so will be argued, a double-edged sword: While asymmetric power structures are possibly a prerequisite for deepening integration processes, but they can also cause conflict between less powerful states on the one hand and leading ones on the other. According to power transition theory, satisfaction about the prevalent power structures among actors can be assumed to be the second precondition for effective integration. Conflict is then guaranteed when power parity between two or more dissatisfied actors is established. Both perspectives will be discussed and assessed in the subsequent sections, after the concept of power in multilateral relations is defined and asymmetries detected. Two examples, the European Union and Mercosur, shall exemplify the efficacies and tensions behind imbalanced power structures among regional powers and their will and ability to integrate further.…

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Essay from the year 2011 in the subject Politics - International Politics - General and Theories, grade: 2.3, University of Bath, language: English, abstract: 'A hegemon is a state that is so powerful that it dominates all the other states in the system'. Under this assumption, who can be considered to be a great power A world leader Can there be more than just one And if yes, what makes them so powerful The purpose of this essay is to point out that the term of great power states and politics has changed in recent decades from security policy aspects of the Cold War to a more broaden definition including societal, economic and cultural characteristics. Taking these indicators into consideration, the international state system has turned away from a bipolar constellation between the two superpowers USA and Soviet Union to a multipolar world with numerous big players and growing regionalisation. In this world order, the BRIC states contemplate the field of great powers next to the US and Russia.The first section will outline a comprehensive definition of what a great power is and which characteristics distinguish it from less powerful states. The second part gives an overview of how great power politics has changed in recent decades from a bipolar world system with two super powers towards a far more diversified multipolar world with various great powers and no remaining hegemon. This approach will be tested within the third part of this essay through brief inspections of the cases of the US, India and the EU.…

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Essay from the year 2011 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: International Organisations, grade: 1.0, University of Bath, language: English, abstract: 'Many international organizations [IO] have clearly succeeded in formulating, and sometimes implementing, policies that cannot be described as the simple product of interstate bargaining' (Reinalda and Verbeek 1998, p.5). A closer look at international relations (IR) theories will quickly give indication that this statement is at odds with both neorealism and neoliberalism. In fact, these theories have for a long time neglected IO policy-making as well as the potential that IOs take purposive action as autonomous actors. Barnett and Finnemore hold that view and suggest a sociological perspective to treat IOs first and foremost as bureaucracies with independent agency.The International Criminal Police Organisation (ICPO), better known as INTERPOL, is such a case. In the aftermath of the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Centre in New York, so will be argued below, INTERPOL remarkably improved institutional structures and strengthened its political scope of duties towards international terrorism. Its counter-terrorism strategies comprised technological innovation and bureaucratic efficiency with the objective of accelerating efficient crime fighting, on the one hand, as well as tightened cooperation with other (inter)national partner organisations with the aim of fostering a world-spanning anti-terrorist network, on the other. Both means go for the overall idea- and knowledge-based realignment that INTERPOL underwent in recent years under Secretary General Ronald K. Noble since his inauguration in 2000.The essay is structured as follows: Throughout the first section, the sociological institutionalist approach of Barnett and Finnemore will be presented in comparative perspective to major IR theories. The approach suggests a number of assumptions and implications to the behavioural study of international organizations that will be elaborated further. The shortcomings, which are inherent in neorealist and neoliberalist concepts, will be seen as the starting point for the theoretical and empirical gains that the international bureaucracy approach provide. Subsequently, the concept will be applied to INTERPOL as an important international security organization in the field of counter-terrorism. Structural, political and technological adaptations that the organisation deployed in the aftermath of the 9/11 events make it a remarkable example of the accuracy and applicability of Barnett s and Finnemore s approach.…

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Seminar paper from the year 2010 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1.7, University of Bath, language: English, abstract: This study examines the concept of a general European identity. First, the underlying concept of 'identity' in the European socio-political context will be defined and elaborated in its different levels and peculiarities. Second, the study addresses the various theories of Europeanisation as they mirror the current state of the scientific debate. The essay concludes by extracting the additive of the concept of 'identity' for Europeanisation theories.The European Union (EU) faces a dilemma: While life and politics of the European citizens become more and more Europeanised, the emergence of a European identity seems to fail. People all over Europe cannot identify with the idea of European unification as a whole, although this might spread peace, freedom and welfare. On the other hand, if the EU or its citizens themselves would be able to create European 'imagined community', by whatever means, the split between both concepts would be overcome. But how is the concept of 'identity' then connected to Europeanisation processes The main argument here is that 'identity' still is an underestimated object of Europeanisation theories, but that the rise of hybrid identities, and with it the manifestation of Europeanised national identities instead of a European identity all over Europe, holds the explicit potency to establish the missing relationship between European citizens and EU politics. This would lead suddenly to a strengthened legitimization of European Union policies as well as people s belief in the justification of a supranational polity within a system of multi-level governance.…

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Seminar paper from the year 2011 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1.0, University of Bath, language: English, abstract: 'For the last thirty years, Spanish foreign policy has had a single (though double-barrelled) objective: first, integration in Europe; secondly, integration of Europe.'(Torreblanca 2010, p.10).Not quite a decade after twelve European countries agreed on a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), national foreign policies among the EU have 'significantly been changed, if not transformed, by participation over time in foreign policy making at the European level' (White 2001, p.6). This, indeed, says little about the nature and direction of the changes that occurred and whether these conduced to general foreign policy convergence among EU member states or perhaps even fostered greater divergence.In recent years, Europeanisation processes of national foreign policies have attracted more and more scholarly attention. While some case studies focus on the European impact on Central and Northern European states, for instance the Netherlands, Denmark and Ireland (Tonra 2001), others evaluate the distinctive features of the 'Big Three' - France, the United Kingdom and Germany - in EU foreign policy-making (Wong 2006; Gross 2009; Aggestam 2011 Forthcoming). In contrast, EU states in the Southern periphery have substantially been described as adaptive laggards that 'displayed remarkably resilient and distinctive features of state tradition and political culture despite the pressures of the EU' (Featherstone and Kazamias 2001, p.2). One of these countries, Spain, joined the European Union at a time when joint efforts to encourage a common foreign and security policy framework were still in the early stages of development. It will be argued below that Spain, at first assumed to be an enfant terrible within the European foreign policy framework, turned out to be an enfant sage with greater ambitions. From the viewpoint of social constructivism, the changing behaviour as well as the active role that Spain took very early in European foreign policy will be portrayed.…

Taschenbuch. Condición: Neu. Neuware - Seminar paper from the year 2010 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 2.3, University of Bath, language: English, abstract: This essay examines how centre-right parties in Central and Eastern Europe change in their ambitions to become a member of the European Union. The study will briefly categorize centre-right parties in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in order to identify relevant case studies. It is then assumed that ongoing European integration processes have an apparent impact on the domestic level, and in particular on parties opportunity structures within the national political arena. In the end, they inevitably adapt to these external pressures by either reacting receptive or by criticizing or rejecting the European project. Based on this assumption, the second part addresses the programmatic development and stance on Europe of major centre-right parties in Slovakia, Hungary and the Czech Republic between 1990 and 2006.In the same way that the European Union (EU) generally has deepened its policies and widened its geographic silhouette for decades, centre-right parties would be expected to become more 'pro-European'. In contrast, the aim of this essay is too prove this assumption wrong.While some comprehensive studies indicate such an interrelation for Western European centre-right parties, this does not bear in cases of centre-right parties in Central Eastern European (CEE) countries. These parties were all too enthusiastic about the break-down of the communist Soviet Union and the incipient era of democratic and economic transition and proclaimed accession to the European Union as an immediate necessity in their foreign policy agendas.…