Iseas sg (480 resultados)
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Paperback. Condición: New. This monograph argues that although the United Wa State Party (UWSP) has been branded by the international community as a "narco-trafficking army," the organisation has an ethnic nationalist agenda whose aim is to build a Wa state within Burma. The UWSP is not innocent of narcotics-related crimes, but…few conflict parties in Burma can claim to have clean hands. The weak capacity of the UWSP leadership has prevented it from developing a clear vision of how to develop a Wa state. Although the UWSP has promoted Wa nationalism, the population under its control is not mono-ethnic. The UWSP has implemented a ban on opium cultivation to comply with international pressure. It has called for international aid to offset the impact of the ban, but so far not enough assistance has come through. The organisation has relocated thousands of Wa villagers to the Thai border area, displacing part of the original Lahu, Akha, and Shan populations and aggravating ethnic tensions.Relations with the government remain tense, and peace has not been achieved. It is unlikely the UWSP will agree to disarm until some of its basic demands have been met. The United States has indicted eight UWSP leaders on drug trafficking charges. Thailand sees the UWSP as a security threat and accuses it of producing amphetamines. China has a better relationship with the UWSP and has given support and technical advice to the organisation. The drug trade is controlled by powerful ethnic Chinese syndicates that have no interest in conflict resolution and state building. Demonising and isolating the UWSP will make the organisation more dependent on them, and will obstruct reconciliation efforts in Burma.
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Paperback. Condición: New. This study analyzes the various types and stages of conflict that have been experienced by diverse groups and generations of Karen over the six decades of armed conflict between the Karen National Union (KNU) and successive Burmese governments. Instead of focusing on those who are internally displaced,… those in the refugee camps on the Thai-Burma border or living abroad, or those in the KNU, it places particular emphasis on the 'other' Karen - the majority segment of the Karen population living inside Burma - a population that has hitherto received little scholarly and journalistic attention. It also assesses the Karen people's varied attitudes towards a number of political organizations that claim to represent their interests, towards successive Burmese military regimes, and towards the political issues that led to the original divide between the 'accommodators' and 'rebels'. This study argues that the lifestyles and strategies that the Karens have pursued are diverse and not confined to armed resistance. Acknowledging these multiple voices will not only shed light upon the many positive features of ethnic interactions, including harmonious communal relationships and significant attempts to promote peace and stability by encouraging 'normal' activities and routines in both peaceful and war-torn areas; it will also help to identify policy recommendations for future ceasefire negotiations and a possible long-term political settlement within the context of a militarised Burma.
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Paperback. Condición: New. Since independence in 1948, Burma has been the scene of some of the most-sustained and diverse ethnic insurgencies in the contemporary world. This study examines the dynamics of conflict that have caused internal wars to become so uniquely entrenched in one of Asia's most troubled lands. Against a back…drop of conflict, different nationality movements have been able to adapt and survive, utilizing the changing political, economic, and international conditions in the country. In the process, armed opposition became a way of life in the borderlands, while the central state became increasingly militarized. Burma's conflicts, however, have not been static. This study identifies five major cycles of conflict that have seen the national government transform from a parliamentary democracy at independence through Gen. Ne Win's "Burmese Way to Socialism" to the current military State Peace and Development Council. As the political impasse continues, ethnic ceasefires and open-door economic policies are changing the structures of conflict. In an overview of humanitarian and international dilemmas, the study concludes that conflict resolution - with integrated support from the international community - remains a primary need if Burma and its peoples are to achieve peace, democracy, and a stable nation-state.
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Paperback. Condición: New. Since Malaysia's independence in 1957 until 2018, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) was the single dominant party in control of an authoritarian regime, having been the main party within the long-ruling National Front (Barisan Nasional, or BN). Since its fall from power in 2018, key events… have reshaped its party structure, leadership and overall support. Today, it sits in a large-tent coalition at the federal level, is part of the state government in seven states, and of these, controls the position of chief minister in three.Using the states of Malacca and Selangor as case studies, this paper examines UMNO's current state of leadership, how the PH-BN coalition is being managed and how this relationship is being communicated to the grassroots, and how these key elements contribute to the deinstitutionalization of the party. While grappling with party factionalism and leadership gaps at the national level, UMNO in both Selangor and Malacca has also undergone significant leadership changes. Serious efforts are being made to strengthen state-level leadership, but these remain overshadowed by the gaps in the party's central leadership.As political operatives of UMNO and Pakatan Harapan (PH) work together, there is some indication that this cooperation is beginning to coalesce, although resistance from the grassroots remains apparent within both the selected states. UMNO is in a unique position of being positionally stable but institutionally weak, and the cases of Selangor and Malacca offer some insight into how its internal dynamics play out on the ground. A revival of UMNO in its original form is highly unlikely given its significant hollowing out over the last four years. Whether or not the formerly dominant party will revive is dependent on the current leadership's decisions over cooperation with PH. While the party may never fully reclaim its past strength, it can, however, leverage its existing resources and use this period to reorganize and strengthen its institutional foundations.
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Paperback. Condición: New. Traditionally an opposition outfit, the Democratic Action Party (DAP) has evolved to become a mainstream operation. A consequential player in Malaysian politics, it now has forty mem-bers of parliament and ninety state assembly representatives.Because of its cadre-based structure, the DAP usually has o…rderly party elections. Nonetheless, foundational issues have caused some disagreements to bubble to the sur-face-most recently at the 2025 National Party Congress.Now approaching its sixtieth year, the party is grappling with three key challenges.The first is the managing of generational change and the fostering of greater inclusive-ness. Senior leaders are retiring, not always willingly; and while the party is multiracial in out-look, it has struggled to diversify its leadership.The second stems from it evolving from having a small group structure into a larger and more complex organization. No longer a uniquely nationally focused party, the DAP's leaders are increasingly nourishing support bases at the state level-shifting power within the party structure outwards and downwards.The third is the managing of diverse expectations. While much of its support base sees the DAP as the opposition, it is now in government. Navigating within the boundaries of what is politically feasible now calls for a different set of skills.
Youth and Civic Engagement in Southeast Asia
Norshahril Saat, Iim Halimatusa'diyah, Panarat Anamwathana, Syaza Shukri, Veronica L. Gregorio
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Paperback. Condición: New.
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Paperback. Condición: New. American Indo-Pacific policy will be driven by its China policy, regardless of whether there is a second-term Donald Trump administration or a first-term Joe Biden administration.The Republicans will continue to frame the major challenge as "balancing" against Chinese power and "countering" the worst a…spects of Beijing's policies. Establishment or moderate Democrats under Biden will choose the softer language of seeking a favourable "competitive coexistence" in the military, economic, political and global governance realms, and the reassertion of American leadership and moral standing.In advancing the FOIP, the current administration argues that disruptiveness and unpredictability are necessary to reverse what they see as the "normalization" of Chinese assertiveness, coercion and revisionism. They also point to the closeness of US cooperation with Japan, Australia and India and bourgeoning strategic relationships with Vietnam. A second-term Trump administration will continue to seek out "fit-for-purpose" existing institutions and relationships, or prioritize new ones.Establishment Democrats believe that the "America First" unilateralist approach is unsettling for allies and partners. In advancing a favourable "competitive coexistence" with China, Democrats will seek to expand the tools of statecraft and achieve a better balance between military/economic/political/governance approaches.Prima facie, a Biden administration might position America as a more consultative guarantor of a preferred order. However, there will be greater pressure on Southeast Asians to accept more collective responsibility to advance common objectives. This means hedging in a manner more suitable to American rather than Chinese preferences. Failing that, more emphasis might be placed on greater institutionalization of the Quad and ad hoc groupings.A Bernie Sanders administration, now an unlikely prospect, would be a disaster for US standing and power in the region, and therefore for Southeast Asia.
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Paperback. Condición: New. There are at least 80-100 business associations (such as chambers of commerce or industry-specific bodies) in Malaysia today, representing over 600,000 firms. In February-April 2020, a range of chamber leaders and officers were interviewed to record their experiences of the recent Pakatan Harapan (PH)…administration, and any future lessons for business associations in post GE-14 Malaysia.Few Malaysian chambers have had experience in dealing with changes of government, creating challenges when PH took office. Most associations were able to build effective working relationships with the new administration. Compared to Barisan Nasional (BN) ministers, PH ministers emphasized greater policy rigour, more evidence-based arguments, lower tolerance for corruption, and enhanced public accountability. Criticisms of PH include an early focus by some ministers on seemingly trivial issues, an initial distrust of some parts of the public service, and an inability to have all parts of the federal government work cohesively. Some future lessons that business associations have adopted are: avoid taking a partisan stance in policy debates; be prepared for some confusion and lack of clarity in the early days of any new government; expect many existing policies to remain; build relationships with both new ministers and with senior public servants; and ensure that policy positions are well researched and evidence-based. Most associations feel comfortable in adapting to the March 2020 installation of the new Perikatan Nasional administration.Changes in government have also prompted associations to review their own internal policy capacity. Interviewees suggest that chambers may need to enhance their advocacy skills, move away from racially based structures, improve their level of public transparency, become more strategic, and improve their own internal governance and management.
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Paperback. Condición: New. In Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi is often not called by her name. Instead, she is just ""The Lady"", an honorific nickname that signifies her place in the collective imagination of her country. And from global human rights icon to Myanmar's de facto leader, she is certainly a towering figure. But The Lady'…s reputation has only tarnished in recent years in the face of the persecution of her country's Rohingya minority. In this new book, we present some of Myanmar's other ladies: women from across the social spectrum who are changing their country, and its perceptions of gender, from the ground up. From the artist who defied the junta to hand out sanitary towels at her exhibition, to the Muslim campaigner who has already spent a quarter of her life in prison; from the feminist Buddhist nun to the pop star who gets called a whore for performing; these are the voices of The Other Ladies of Myanmar.
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Paperback. Condición: New. Thailand's 2023 general election reveals a political landscape undergoing significant transformation, where the traditional Bangkok-versus-countryside political dichotomy has given way to more nuanced urban-rural electoral dynamics unfolding within individual provinces and constituencies.
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Paperback. Condición: New. The United States launched a new Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) strategy in late 2017 after reluctantly concluding that its patient effort to engage and socialize China to the rules-based order since 1972 had failed. China's behaviour since 2009 convinced the United States that China is a revisionis…t power seeking to impose an authoritarian model of governance in Asia which, if successful, would end the rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific as well as endanger US security and vital trade interests.The new US FOIP strategy initiative seeks to engage like-minded nations in economic, security (both traditional and non-traditional), and political governance partnerships to construct a collaborative and scalable network of relations that will be able to respond flexibly to meet a wide range of stakeholder needs and regional contingencies across the Indo-Pacific region.The United States occupies a peak organizing role in this network and works with a hierarchy of partners distributed throughout the vast Indo-Pacific to meet the economic, security, and governance capacity needs of network members at any level. The rules-based order is the "operating system" of this network approach, and so the network itself sustains the rules-based order for its members as a collective good. FOIP is more like a club that generates rules-based order benefits for its members and as such has little in common with Cold War bloc politics and containment strategy.Bearing in mind that FOIP is only in its start-up phase and is likely to gather momentum going forward; that the elements of this network strategy are already in place; and that the United States and its main FOIP partners together have considerable material, organizational, and soft power resources, one may say that its prospects for long-term sustainability and success are not bad.
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Paperback. Condición: New. The Chinese diaspora, consisting of both Chinese living overseas who are citizens of China (huaqiao), and people of Chinese descent who are citizens of foreign countries (huaren), have significantly shaped the making of modern China.China's policy towards its diaspora is primarily governed by its natio…nal interests and foreign policy imperatives. However, the Chinese government has been careful to ensure that the huaqiao and the huaren fall into different policy domains: Chinese citizens living overseas are subject to China's domestic policies, while Chinese descendants who are citizens of other countries come under China's foreign affairs. Nevertheless, from the beginning, the latter continue to be regarded as kinsfolk distinct from other foreign nationals.The huaqiao-huaren distinction is often blurred in ordinary discourse and this has been a source of much misunderstanding. However, it has not been the policy of the Chinese government to blur this distinction, and it is acutely aware of the complexity of the issue and is therefore very cautious about implying any change. As such, when terms such as huaqiao-huaren are introduced in the official lexicon, they are meant to acknowledge certain historical and contemporary realities, and not to deliberately obfuscate the two categories. The use of the combined term is in fact a recognition of the clear-cut distinction between the two groups, and is meant to convey a semantic balance in which neither category is emphasized at the expense of the other.In general, since the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the Chinese government has treated the diaspora as an asset, rather than a liability. The sole exception was during the Cultural Revolution when returnees, or the guiqiao, were condemned as reactionary and bourgeois elements.There is therefore a fundamental continuity in China's diaspora policy: namely, that China embraces both groups as part of a global Chinese community. Some policy shifts can be expected in future as China becomes more proactive in reaching out to its diaspora while balancing the needs and interests of Chinese abroad with the needs and interests of the Mainland.
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Paperback. Condición: New. In 1995, then Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim introduced "Masyarakat Madani" as his proposed economic framework for Malaysia. The term was heavily debated among scholars and politicians across all parties and ideologies. It was often argued that Madani was an effort to limit th…e rise of political Islam.Following Anwar Ibrahim's dismissal from government in 1998, Madani came to be more narrowly redefined as "civil society". However, Anwar's supporters, known as the "Anwarinas", strove to keep the spirit of Madani alive and continued to promote its ideals of social justice, democratic values and inclusivity. They were encouraged further by the fall of Barisan Nasional from federal power in the 14th General Election in 2018.After Anwar Ibrahim became Malaysia's tenth Prime Minister in 2022, he reintroduced Madani as a framework for the country, to be implemented in various sectors. Anwar Ibrahim likely received help from scholars such as Ziauddin Sardar, as reflected in his election manifesto, Script for a Better Malaysia. This time around, the core component of Madani is Maqasid Al-Shariah, or the higher objectives of sharia.In that sense, Madani is now arguably more an expression of what may be called post-Islamism. For it to succeed, however, it will have to counteract the growing power of the conservatives and Islamists. This may be an uphill battle, given that a key component party of the unity government--UMNO--is facing several allegations of corruption.
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Hardback. Condición: New.
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Paperback. Condición: New. This report, the first in the ASEAN Studies Center report series, begins with a brief account of the important points raised during the discussions made at a workshop organized by the ASEAN Studies Center and the Regional Economic Studies Program on 15 April 2008. The closed-door workshop gathered Sout…heast Asian experts on ASEAN for a brainstorming session on the nature of the ASEAN Community that the association aspires to be, segmented into its three pillars: ASEAN Economic Community, ASEAN Security Community, and ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community. The session examined the benefits expected from regional community building for the people of Southeast Asia and the obstacles that lay on the way to its achievement. The workshop suggested certain measures for removing those obstacles. It then discussed the newly signed ASEAN Charter: the significance of its provisions, how it could help build the ASEAN Community, and how it might fall short of doing so.
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Paperback. Condición: New.
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Paperback. Condición: New.
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Paperback. Condición: New. Similar to neighbouring Southeast Asian countries, Indonesia is, simultaneously, infamous for its prevailing sex tourism economy, sex industry and sex trafficking activities. On 6 December 2022, Indonesia's parliament passed the criminal code to criminalise extramarital sex. The anti-extramarital sex l…egalisation was established to help reinforce Indonesia's, following Islamic Law, stance of disallowing sexual behaviours beyond marital relationships. Those who engage in extramarital sex, per the criminal code, are sentenced to up to a year in prison.This book responds to Indonesia's latest legislation that passed the criminal code of criminalising any act of extramarital sex. The formation of the arguments made in this book is based on the premise that, by criminalising extramarital sex, the Indonesian government aims to, in part, crack down on the local prostitution industry to minimise any act of, child or not, sexual exploitation, prostitution and sex trafficking. The book presents how cracking down on the local or regional (i.e., Southeast Asian) prostitution industry cannot be accomplished by simply taking legislative actions.The book examines and analyses how sex work is socio-economically and institutionally constructed. This book presents the underlying unequal power of relations in Indonesian society that facilitates sexual exploitation, especially against disadvantaged children and women. The highlights of this book are the policymaking discourse on how local Indonesian policymakers should respond to such an unequal power of relations and the prevalence of sex work. The book, moreover, visits the anti-extramarital sex legislation in order to explain how the Indonesian government should endeavour to crack down on its domestic sex industry in order to uphold the values of human rights and lower the prevalence of the practice of commercial sex.
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Paperback. Condición: New. Agricultural products are one of Vietnam's most important exports, contributing considerably to the overall export turnover of the country. Vietnam's agricultural exports are easily affected by external factors. It is overly dependent on the Chinese market, and its agricultural products do not as yet m…eet strict global standards. Challenges facing Vietnam's export of fruits and vegetables to the Chinese market include technical barriers, long risk assessment periods, restrictions on products exported through official quotas to the Chinese market, and frequent changes in China's policy on border crossings. The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has underscored the importance of market diversification to this sector. To further develop its agricultural export sector, Vietnam needs to gather and consolidate information on import standards and guide its farmers on product quality requirements. Besides, efforts to gradually diversify its markets are essential for it to avoid being dependent on a small number of partners and markets. Vietnam's participation in international organizations such as ASEAN, APEC, WTO, and AEC exemplifies its increasingly active efforts at seeking new development opportunities. The seventeen bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements which have been signed by Vietnam partly demonstrates efforts at achieving market diversification.
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Hardback. Condición: New. Islamic religious teachers (asatizah) and scholars (ulama) play a significant role in providing spiritual leadership for the Singapore Malay/Muslim community. Lately, the group has been cast under the spotlight over a range of issues, from underperformance in the national examination, their ability to i…ntegrate into the broader society, exposure to radical and conservative ideas such as Salafism from the Middle East, and unemployment. Reaching for the Crescent examines a growing segment within the group, namely Islamic studies graduates, who obtained their degrees from universities in the Middle East and neighbouring Malaysia and Indonesia. It identifies factors that condition the proliferation of Islamic studies graduates in Singapore, examine the dominant religious institutionsthey attend, the nature of Islamic education they received, and their challenges. It tackles the impact of their religious education on the spiritual life and well-being of the community. Based on qualitative and quantitative data collected, the book calls for a rethinking of a prevailing discourse of Arabization of Singapore Muslims and academic approaches that focus on madrasah education and Islam through the security lens.
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Paperback. Condición: New. Joergen Moeller's previous book discussed the impact of technology, dehumanization and values on politics and economics. In this book, he takes his analysis a step further. The cocktail of capitalism, globalization and technology has turned toxic, causing disruption in the global economy and societal s…tructures. Economic globalization is being replaced by a mixture of globalization, regionalization, and economic nationalism. Neither the US nor China will, in the mid-2030s, possess the strength to be a global leader, and power will mainly rotate around a regional axis.The existing political systems and institutions governing the global system see their primogeniture challenged. Social networks open the door to communication for everyday - while they link the world to a degree never before seen, they also divide people according to cultural norms and values, and the large data companies possess enormous power that threatens both national governments and the global political and economic infrastructures.
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Hardback. Condición: New. Since its founding in 1967, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations has been an increasingly large part of the life of Southeast Asia, although most people in the region know very little about it. ASEAN has helped bring peace and stability to the region. It has successfully engaged the world's major…powers, in East Asia and beyond. ASEAN has taken steps to integrate the regional economy as an important means of cooperatively improving the region's competitiveness, attracting investments, generating jobs, raising incomes, and lowering costs and prices. ASEAN has also formed networks for dealing with regional problems like communicable diseases, environmental degradation, and transnational crime. An essential part of the ""Southeast Asia Background Series"", this book seeks to shed some light on what ASEAN is all about.
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Paperback. Condición: New. Transboundary haze has been a recurring problem in the Southeast Asian region since at least 1982. Why does this toxic form of air pollution still persist? Helena Varkkey, a Malaysian political scientist, has been studying this multifaceted problem for more than fifteen years. This book provides an ide…al collection for those who want a clear but concise introduction to this complex issue. Its commentaries explore how often sensitive matters of ASEAN diplomacy, national interest or political patronage continue to stand in the way of clear skies in the region.
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Paperback. Condición: New. Enough time has passed, and enough key events have taken place for the contours of the administration of Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak to be apparent. While it has flirted openly with reforms, and has used phrases otherwise used by the opposition, its sincerity - and its capability -…is still in doubt. More than that, it is not as yet clear how convinced the government actually is about of the need for institutional reforms, especially when the institutions in need of reform include the police, the anti-corruption agency, the judiciary and the dominant party, UMNO. With a new coalition opposing him in parliament, Najib comes to power wedged between his own coalition's aged traditions and the restive spirit of the times. Whether he can squeeze his way into a comfortable spot and stay in power is the question the coming years will answer.
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Paperback. Condición: New. The recovery of the Asia-Pacific region from the global economic crisis of 2008-2009 is underway but incomplete. Risks range from slow growth and persistent unemployment to re-emerging international imbalances and financial volatility. While early policy responses to the crisis were successful in avoid…ing a larger calamity, new policy strategies are now needed to resolve imbalances among the United States, China, and other economies, and to build robust demand in the medium term.This report, drafted by an international team of experts for the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC), provides a policy framework for completing the recovery and achieving sustained growth beyond it. The report identifies priorities for replacing stimulus programmes with structural reforms, and for launching new growth engines to drive investment and employment throughout the Asia-Pacific region.Led by Professor Peter Petri (Brandeis University/East-West Center), the team included eminent scholars from China, Japan, the United States and other countries. The report presents a regional strategy as well as separate, detailed analyses of the challenges facing China, Advanced Asia, Southeast Asia, North America, and South America. It concludes that inclusive, balanced, sustained growth in the region is feasible, but will require structural reforms that change economic relationships within economies and among them, and substantial international cooperation in implementing coherent national policies.
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Librería: Rarewaves.com USA, London, LONDO, Reino UnidoRarewaves.com USA
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Paperback. Condición: New. Praetorians, Profiteers or Professionals? contributes to the ongoing renaissance in scholarship on Southeast Asia's armed forces and their political, social and economic roles. This renaissance comes in an era in which the states of the region, and the societies and economies that they govern, have gro…wn complex beyond all recognition. Nevertheless, understanding those states' armies remains crucial. Emphasizing the ideologies and economic activities of the militaries of two large Mainland Southeast Asian neighbours, this volume transcends clichés about coups, coercion, caudillos and kings. Its findings will challenge the thinking of even long-time observers of the region, not least through its comparative perspective and the fresh understanding of the roles and orientations of the armed forces of Myanmar and Thailand that that perspective suggests.
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EUR 25,87
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Paperback. Condición: New. Malaysia pulled itself back from the brink on 9 May 2018. That day the majority of its voting population decided to topple the Barisan Nasional government that had been in power for over 60 years and that had come to be seen as corrupt beyond redemption, and incompetent to boot. Lined up against the un…popular administration of Najib Razak was a coalition led by former strongman Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, who at the age of 92 had decided to return to Malaysian politics to stop the rot which many believed had begun during his earlier period in power, in 1981-2003. As the oldest prime minister in world history, he is now setting about creating structure that he believes will lead to a Malaysia that will achieve the Vision 2020 that he first propounded in 1991. This vision dovetails with the ideals of the highly influential Reformasi Movement, which was ignited by the sacking of his deputy, Anwar Ibrahim, in 1998. This compilation of insightful analyses is Ooi Kee Beng's seventh, and discusses key events from the last five years leading up to 9 May 2018 and beyond. These seven books together cover the strange period we may come to know as the Inter-Mahathir Era, and the present volume discusses some of the challenges facing the new government, and the Malaysian population in general, now that the Barisan Nasional has imploded.
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EUR 25,93
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Paperback. Condición: New. This book aims to assess multidimensional aspects of energy security in the electricity sector. There are few academic literature that assess regulation and governance, availability, technology development and efficiency, environmental sustainability, and affordability dimension comprehensively. This b…ook demonstrates how these dimensions are interconnected. The publication of this book comes at a timely moment when the Indonesian government needs to provide electricity access to more than 60 million people, to speed up electrification ratio outside Java, to reduce electricity subsidy, and to promote green power system. Moving from "darkness to light", Indonesia needs to strengthen regulation and governance as a basis to elevate other dimensions to move forward.
