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Librería: PBShop.store UK, Fairford, GLOS, Reino UnidoPBShop.store UK
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New Book. Delivered from our UK warehouse in 4 to 14 business days. THIS BOOK IS PRINTED ON DEMAND. Established seller since 2000.
N° de ref. del artículo L0-9781491852248
- Título
- Infidel
- Autor
- Boothe, Barry D.
- Editorial
- Authorhouse
- Año de publicación
- 2014
- Estado
- New
- Encuadernación
- PAP
- Idioma
- inglés
- ISBN 10
- 1491852240
- ISBN 13
- 9781491852248
- Peso del artículo
- 533 gramos
“Sinopsis” puede pertenecer a otra edición de este título.
Fragmento. © Reproducción autorizada. Todos los derechos reservados.
INFIDEL
Don't Tread On Me
By Barry D. BootheAuthorHouse LLC
All rights reserved.
It came to pass that in 1789, with a brand new president, a decisively split political consensus on the part of the new Congress, attempts were made to resolve the issues existing with the Barbary States. However, with so much political controversy on how best to negotiate with the Musselmen countries, it wasn't until a year later, nearing the time England and France entered into the Napoleonic Wars, that an American Congressional resolution was finally reached—pay the tribute. In the meantime, the Barbary States, with a concentration on Algiers, continued to harass the American merchant vessels with a seeming and never-ending gusto.
The political structure of the United States of America had been established. George Washington was the newly elected President of the United States of America. John Adams was his Vice-President and Thomas Jefferson was his Secretary of State.
Of these three, it was the Secretary of State who shouldered the responsibility to report to the Congress on the state of American commerce. Kind of a mini State of the Union on foreign commerce.
Jefferson understood that negotiations with the Barbary States and the status of United States commerce in the Mediterranean were intimately connected. Currently there was no carrying trade in the Mediterranean due to the Barbary States piratical activity. After all, the bulk of Mediterranean commerce passed within sight of a North African state.
Possessing no proof, he drew up short of outright accusing England of influencing and indeed supporting the Barbary States' hostilities against America. But he continued to adamantly condemn Barbary State hostility as the reason for the lack of Mediterranean commerce.
A hostility he classified to be extortion through piracy whether directed against the United States of America or any other country. Jefferson even more adamantly opposed succumbing to extortion and paying a so-called tribute for peace.
In the past, the Washington administration had initially, albeit reluctantly and without Jefferson's concurrence, made several attempts to pay the tributes demanded by the Barbary States. But the Musselmen would go back on their word so often, it quickly became obvious to the administration that the paying of tribute was not a long term solution. In some cases, it was not even a short term solution. So Washington was very surprised when Congress felt that resolution to the situation was to pay the tribute.
Even in the light of the various heads of the Barbary States, for whatever reason they could conjure up, disavowing any tribute paid by the USA and continuing hostilities with never a lull in activity, let alone a truce, Congress maintained that paying tribute was the answer. Washington was befuddled.
Washington's own Secretary of State, Thomas Jefferson very vocally made it known to Congress that he disagreed with this so-called solution. He felt peace was the natural order of things and fair for all. "Peace is to be expected," claimed Jefferson, "it is not something to be purchased for a price."
He was also concerned that his claim of any unsubstantiated accusation toward England would result in a Congressional perception that he was trying to find excuses for the Mediterranean commerce being out of reach. Rather that any unsubstantiated accusation was really the lack of the Washington administration's ability, his ability, to negotiate. Both he and Adams feared some would begin to openly suggest that America should consider a re-alliance with England in order to regain the English "naval protection" it once enjoyed.
Jefferson knew that were he to admit that the Barbary States could not be controlled by America, he would be admitting a Washington administration failure. More importantly, he would be admitting his own personal failure to negotiate with a foreign power. And as politically ambitious as he was, any negative admission to Congress was something he simply could not allow himself to do.
At the insistence of President Washington and the concurrence of Vice-President Adams, Jefferson reluctantly reported to Congress that the Washington administration would pay tribute to the Barbary States, just as Congress had decreed. But in doing so, he also threw out a caveat; he told congressional leaders that the likelihood of the Barbary States, especially Algiers, to adhere to any tribute for any significant length of time, regardless of the amount paid, was very dismal.
Despite Jefferson's Olympic attempts to deter blame for the lack of Mediterranean commerce from the Washington administration and himself, in the eyes of congress the Washington administration was appearing incompetent. Reluctantly, both Adams and Jefferson relayed to President Washington that the current congressional feeling toward the lack of Mediterranean commerce was apt to lead the United States of America down a road of pure turmoil—tribute or no tribute. There may even be calls for reunification with England.
To justify their position they further maintained that there existed a political undercurrent in Congress that reasoned; unless some sort of re-unification with England was considered in order to regain naval protection in the Mediterranean, American commercial potential could never be achieved.
They also relayed that Congress was strangely insistent that commerce, particularly Mediterranean commerce, be successful. Commerce with other areas of the world, like the West Indies and China notwithstanding, the Mediterranean seemed first and foremost on the political mind of Congress, leading one to wonder what other influences from what other countries may be at work in American politics. All this they made known to President Washington's ears only.
The intelligence Washington received from Adams and Jefferson grabbed his attention like never before. It led him to ask himself if his own administration was just being paranoid with a "covert conspiracy" theory or did such an undercurrent truly exist with Congress. Surely no one in their right mind would actually desire the Untied States of America to once again fall under English rule.
But the more President Washington thought about the extraordinary focus of Congress on Mediterranean commerce, especially when commerce in other parts of the world was quite good, the more he came to believe that there very well may be a politically covert conspiratorial effort. The practically continuous claims of conspiracy from his own folks, both Adams and Jefferson, didn't do anything to dissuade his conspiracy thoughts either.
Whether the President's belief was the result of a fear of failure or pressure from being President of the United States of America or even Adams' and Jefferson's constant drum beating, he concluded that a plan of action must be decided upon quickly. A plan that would result in a firm resolution that would allow for viable, long term Mediterranean commerce and put to rest the congressional murmurs of re-unification with England, if in fact there were any.
If there truly was a conspiracy in Congress, any plan to re-establish Mediterranean commerce would necessarily have to be kept very secret and held closely within his administration or it would be thwarted at the very start by factions that desired re-unification. If the plan were to be a military type action, secrecy was absolutely imperative, not only secrecy from Congress but also from the general public. Especially since Congress was certain that payment of tribute was the answer, in spite of clear evidence to the contrary, and would make sure the public felt the same.
Washington felt that both Adams and Jefferson would support any plan of action that he came up with that did not include a payment of any kind, regardless what one may call it. In fact, he sensed a certain anxiety from both Adams and Jefferson in the way he had handled the Mediterranean situation up to this point and that they were ready for some type of decisive action on his part.
Washington perceived these to be drastic times and, drawing on his military training and Continental Army experience, concluded that drastic measures were required.
His Continental Army experience had made him very familiar with Congressional inability to reach a consensus on just about anything. When they did reach a consensus, it was not unusual for that consensus to be wrong. Additionally, they argued over every little thing. If it wasn't the Federalists it was the anti-Federalists. So due to lots of different reasons, he decided to form a very secret and very decisive plan of action.
He agreed with Jefferson's assertion that any kind of trade in the Mediterranean was out of the question as long as the issue with the Barbary States piratical activity went unresolved. He also concurred that the paying of tribute was certainly no resolution to the situation and could not be considered long term.
He also agreed with Jefferson that, for whatever reasons, Congress was in no mood to brook anything less than total commercial success in the Mediterranean. He knew that without success in this area, his administration was doomed for failure. He eventually became convinced, just like his vice-president and Secretary of State, that the failure of his administration would eventually mean a call from some congressional leaders for consideration to a re-unification with England.
He also believed, as Adams and Jefferson did, that there could possibly be a bright spot on the horizon. As abhorrent as it was, another war between England and France was looming. There was just too much tension in that part of the world.
Should this war materialize, and its' likelihood was getting stronger each week, it may serve to focus England's attention on the actions of France, both politically and militarily. With England's attention focused elsewhere, she would not pay much attention to American activities; such as activity off the northern coast of Africa.
Jefferson's analysis was correct; appeasing Congress by paying the tributes would buy the administration some time and appear that President Washington and his administration was succumbing to Congressional will. President Washington was definitely going to take action. But succumbing to Congressional will by paying a tribute was not the action, only the facade.
He decided that a success in the Mediterranean was two-fold. One open and one very, very secret. One; with much fanfare, he would very openly take the political route and pay the tribute. This would appease congress and set the Barbary States at ease. But the other would require extreme secrecy and he had to think as a General not as a President.
In a General's assessment, in order to put a halt to the elicit piracy of the Barbary States, especially Algiers, one would need to ensure that the Barbary States did not have the capability to commit piracy in the first place. His military background had proved that beyond any shadow of doubt. However, with the exception of the siege of Boston and the few small gunboats he deployed in that effort, he had no naval background. And make no mistake about it—permanently establishing commerce in the Mediterranean was going to take a naval action.
The lack of success in naval actions surrounding the siege of Boston coupled with his overwhelming success over General Cornwallis and Yorktown told him a couple of things. He was a commander of troops on dry land—not a maritime type thinker. He would need someone who was good at naval thought.
With his military thinking he surmised that if one would destroy the Barbary State pirates, all of the pirates and all of their ships, then their ability to conduct piratical activity would cease. His political mind reasoned that an action of this type would open the door to commerce in the Mediterranean. It would be the long term result everyone was looking for. It may also be a result that England may not realize as long as the bulk of her resources were increasingly being focused upon France.
So he decided, the two-fold approach was the answer; political tribute on one hand, a secret military approach on the other. The former was what was expected and fairly easy to accomplish. The latter called for much, much more with secrecy being just one aspect of many. Another of the many aspects would require a detailed assessment of the Barbary States naval capabilities.
Fortunately, there was quite a lot of intelligence already gathered about the Barbary States and their navies. For instance, he knew they would raid a weaker country, kidnap Christian folks right out of their beds and if possible, ransom them back to their own country. He also knew the Barbary State pirates were known to capture weaker country's ships and cargoes and enslave the crew and passengers.
He knew it to be true that much of the Barbary States' ability to build and maintain ships, navigate blue water, basically know how to sail blue water, came from the knowledge, skills and abilities of the captured "infidel" crewmembers, primarily English who converted to the Musselman religion.
In the end there was no doubt; as a direct result of the Barbary States activities, the American carrying trade had all but completely ceased in the Mediterranean area. Not only could the Washington administration not survive this, but a growing pressure from the merchant vessel owners as well as pressure from members of his own administration combined to create an atmosphere of which he simply could no longer tolerate.
Washington thought, "The United States' congress can pass all the resolutions they want. They may pay all the tributes they desire. For whatever reason, Congress may choose to continue to tolerate their activity indefinitely—but his administration could not. It was time to act!"
Unknown to President Washington and for that matter most of Congress, there really were unseen activities, conducted by a few very powerful and influential folks, going on behind closed doors. The ultimate goal was re-unification with England and not the lack of an American carrying trade in the Mediterranean. This was in large part the reason for the Congressional focus on the Mediterranean commerce. In this, Thomas Jefferson's worst fears were true.
Unlike the ulterior motives of some congressmen, the reason for a desire for Mediterranean commerce in the Washington administration was simple; America wanted only a level playing field. In other words, fairness. President Washington was as serious to reach that end as any congressman with an ulterior motive.
President Washington may have a reputation as a simple man but to underestimate him was a mistake. His seemingly easy going demeanor hid a savvy politician as well as a determination that was formidable. Not only did Washington want a level playing field but he would not allow his administration to fail. He would succeed at any cost!
Part of the reason for Washington's action plan at this time was due to the slow fostering of the feelings that both his Vice-President and his Secretary of State knew he possessed. In fact, they were acutely aware of his feelings in this regard and were blatant in their actions.
Both men were convinced that decisive action, taken right now, would establish a carrying trade in that part of the world. They also reasoned that if the administration took action against the Barbary States, even if unsuccessful, it would serve to establish bright political futures for both of them.
So there were a lot of different factors at play when President Washington finally decided to take action. Action that would become the very first secret mission sanctioned by a presidential administration of the United States of America.
President Washington felt this mission would call for someone extremely well acquainted with the sea and unquestionably trustworthy. Someone that was personally known to himself so he could vouch for their character and trustworthiness. Someone beyond reproach.
As far as Congress was concerned, his administration was paying tribute to the Barbary states and that was the reason for a cessation of Barbary State piratical activity. So any type of force levied against the Barbary Sates had to be kept very quiet.
(Continues...)
Excerpted from INFIDEL by Barry D. Boothe. Copyright © 2014 Barry D. Boothe. Excerpted by permission of AuthorHouse LLC.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.
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Vendedor de IberLibro desde 11 de junio de 1999
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PRIVACY POLICY
We are committed to protecting the privacy and security of personal data. This policy tells you how we will collect and use your personal data, and what you should expect in respect of the personal information about you that we have collected.
We are PBShop.co.uk Limited (registered in England & Wales with Company No: 9366362). Our registered office is at Swatton Barn, Badbury, Swindon, SN4 0EU, United Kingdom.
The person with responsibility for our data protection compliance is the Managing Director and they can be contacted via email at help@pbshop.store.
We are the data controller of the personal data that we keep and use, and we are therefore responsible for making sure that our systems, processes and people comply with the relevant data protection laws in respect of that personal data.
We will act in respect of personal data to comply with the six principles of the General Data Protection Regulation (“GDPR”), which are:
Lawfulness, fairness and transparency;
Purpose limitation;
Data minimisation;
Accuracy;
Storage limitation;
Integrity and confidentiality.
You have rights in respect of how your personal data can be processed; these include the right to request:
a copy of your personal data;
that inaccurate data is rectified; and
that your personal data is, in certain circumstances, erased or restricted.
You have the right to complain to the Information Commissioner, which you can do by contacting the Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO) directly. Full contact details, including a helpline number, can be found on the ICO website (www.ico.org.uk). This website also has useful information on your rights and our obligations. However, please raise any concerns or issues with us first so that we may deal with this as quickly as possible for you.
COLLECTION, USE AND DISCLOSURE OF PERSONAL DATA
We collect and process data for the following reasons:
personal data collected and created in relation to our selling books and other items; and
personal data relating to our people (which means those people working for our company, or providing services to us, or potentially working or providing services to us, including employees, consultants, temporary or casual workers and contractors).
All of our people are required to abide by our Privacy Policy when handling personal data, and are provided with appropriate data protection training. Any breach of data protection will be taken seriously, and may result in disciplinary action.
Selling books and other items
COLLECTION:
We will collect personal information which may include names, addresses and other information for our customers. This will be done for the management of the commercial relationship with our customers.
We may collect this personal data from you directly, and also from third parties, including publicly available third party sources. Additional personal data will be collected as it is created by or supplied to us in the course of anything we do for you.
USE:
We will use the personal data in the course of making sales and to comply with requirements that we are required to undertake.
We will only use your personal data when the law allows us to. Most commonly, we will use your personal data in the following circumstances:
in performance of a contract (the agreement to sell books and other items); and/or
compliance with a legal obligation; and/or
vital interests of the data subject; and/or
where it is necessary for our legitimate interests (or those of a third party) and your interests and fundamental rights do not override those interests.
We may also use your personal data in the following situations, which are likely to be far less common:
where we need to protect your interests (or someone else’s interests);
where it is needed in the public interest or for official purposes.
DISCLOSURE:
We may share personal data with third parties as is necessary in the sale of books and other items, including to third party providers who deliver services to support the operation of our company.
In respect of all disclosures of personal data, we will only share the personal information which is necessary for the particular purpose for which it is provided, or where we have another legitimate interest in doing so, and we will ensure that the personal data is appropriately protected.
RETENTION PERIOD:
We will keep personal data only for as long as is necessary to fulfil the purposes for which we collected it, including for the purposes of satisfying any legal, accounting or reporting requirements. Normally, our retention period for personal data collected for this purpose is a minimum of 6 years after the end of the period that we are selling books and other items.
Our people
COLLECTION:
We will collect names, addresses, contact details, education and employment history, identity and other background checks (which may include appropriate criminal and financial checks and confirmation of the right to work in the UK), marital status and information on next of kin and dependents, financial information (such as bank details and NI numbers), date of birth, gender, a copy of your passport and driving licence, performance information and compensation history, recruitment information (including references), salary, benefits, pension and annual leave information, disciplinary and grievance information, photographs, information about your use of our information and communications systems and CCTV footage or other information obtained through electronic means.
We may collect and use special categories of personal data as required in the carrying out of obligations and exercising specific rights of us or the data subject in the field of employment. This may include information relating to matters such as health, racial origin, religious belief and offences or alleged offences.
Personal data may be collected from you during the selection process (for example via your application form and CV) and during your employment (including holiday forms, expense claims, performance reviews, any disciplinary or grievance processes), or from third parties, including referees, health service providers, background check providers.
USE:
Personal data of our people will be used for HR administration and management, both in respect of the selection of people to work for us (including suitability, eligibility and/or fitness to work), and those who do work for us, to include learning and development, disciplinary and security (of people, offices and data) requirements, providing and liaising with benefits providers, business management and planning (including accounting and auditing), paying you and dealing with tax and NI deductions, assessing and deciding on salary reviews and compensation, conducting performance reviews and managing performance, dealing with legal disputes involving you or others, preventing fraud, monitoring your use of our information and communications systems, ensuring compliance with our policies, and equal opportunities monitoring.
We will only use your personal data when the law allows us to. Most commonly, we will use your personal data in the following circumstances:
In performance of a contract with you; and/or
compliance with a legal obligation; and/or
vital interests of the data subject; and/or
where it is necessary for our legitimate interests (or those of a third party) and your interests and fundamental rights do not override those interests.
We may also use your personal data in the following situations, which are likely to be less common:
where we need to protect your interests (or someone else’s interests);
where it is needed in the public interest or for official purposes.
In respect of all disclosures of personal data, we will only share the personal information which is necessary for the particular purpose for which it is provided, or where we have another legitimate interest in doing so, and we will ensure that the personal data is appropriately protected.
In respect of special categories of personal data, we may process this in the following circumstances:
in limited circumstances with your explicit written consent; and/or
where we need to carry out our legal obligations and in line with our policies; and/or
where it is needed in the public interest (such as for equal opportunities monitoring or in relation to our occupational pension scheme), and in line with our policies; and/or
where it is needed to assess your working capacity on health grounds, subject to appropriate confidentiality safeguards.
Less commonly, we may process this type of information where it is needed in relation to legal claims or where it is needed to protect your (or someone else’s) interests and you are not capable of giving your consent, or where you have already made the information public. We may also process such information about our people (or former people) in the course of our legitimate business activities with the appropriate safeguards.
The special categories of personal data may be used in the following ways:
in relation to leaves of absence, to comply with employment and other laws;
in relation to your physical or mental health, or disability status, to ensure your health and safety in the workplace and to assess your fitness to work, to monitor, manage and administer benefits and absences;
in relation to your race, national or ethnic origin, religious, philosophical or moral beliefs, or your sexual life or sexual orientation, to ensure meaningful equal opportunity monitoring and reporting.
DISCLOSURE:
Personal data may be transferred to service providers who support the operation of our business (such as payroll service providers), to other third parties reasonably necessary in the conduct of our business (including insurers, professional advisors, regulators). These third parties may be acting as processor, or controller of personal data in their own right.
In respect of all disclosures of personal data, we will only share the personal information which is necessary for the particular purpose for which it is provided, or where we have another legitimate interest in doing so, and we will ensure that the personal data is appropriately protected.
RETENTION PERIOD:
We will keep personal data only for as long as is necessary to fulfil the purposes for which we collected it, including for the purposes of satisfying any legal, accounting or reporting requirements. We will normally keep personal data of applicants who we do not employ for six months after we receive it.
We will keep personal data of employees throughout your employment and normally for a minimum of six years after your employment ends.
Changes to your personal data
It is very important that the personal information that we hold about you is accurate and current. Please tell us if your personal information changes during your relationship with us.
Data Security
We have put in place measures to prevent your personal data from being accidentally lost, used or accessed in an unauthorised way, altered or disclosed. In addition, we limit access to your personal data to those of our people and other third parties who have a business need to know. They will only process your personal data on our instructions and where they have agreed to treat the information confidentially and to keep it secure. We have put in place procedures to deal with any suspected data security breach and will notify you and the ICO of a suspected breach where we are legally required to do so.
Where we store your personal data
We principally store data, both electronically and on file, at our office.
Personal data may be transferred outside of the EEA by processors acting on our behalf. For transfers to countries not considered adequate by the EC, we will ensure that personal data is adequately protected, as required by the GDPR. This would include by use of the Standard Contractual Clauses adopted by the EC to protect personal data.
Your rights
Under certain circumstances, you have the right by law to request:
access to your personal data. This enables you to ask to receive a copy of the personal data that we hold about you and to check that we are lawfully processing it.
correction of the personal data that we hold about you.
erasure of your personal data.
object to processing of your personal data where we are relying on our legitimate interest and there is something about your particular situation which makes you want to object to processing on this ground. You also have the right to object where we are processing your personal information for direct marketing purposes.
restriction of processing of your personal data.
transfer of your personal data to another party.
Links from our website
Our website may, from time to time, contain links to and from the websites of third parties that we permit to make such links. If you follow a link to any of these websites, please note that these websites have their own privacy policies and that we do not accept any responsibility or liability for these policies. We recommend that you check these policies before you submit any personal data to these websites.
CHANGES TO THIS PRIVACY POLICY
Any changes we may make to our privacy policy in the future will be posted on our website, so please ensure that you are viewing the correct version.
Please contact us if you have any questions, comments or requests regarding this Privacy Policy.
Last amended May 2021.