Family Matters in Indian Buddhist Monasticisms

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9780824836474: Family Matters in Indian Buddhist Monasticisms

Scholarly and popular consensus has painted a picture of Indian Buddhist monasticism in which monks and nuns severed all ties with their families when they left home for the religious life. In this view, monks and nuns remained celibate, and those who faltered in their "vows" of monastic celibacy were immediately and irrevocably expelled from the Buddhist Order. This romanticized image is based largely on the ascetic rhetoric of texts such as the Rhinoceros Horn Sutra.

Through a study of Indian Buddhist law codes (vinaya), Shayne Clarke dehorns the rhinoceros, revealing that in their own legal narratives, far from renouncing familial ties, Indian Buddhist writers take for granted the fact that monks and nuns would remain in contact with their families. Surveying the still largely uncharted terrain of Indian Buddhist monastic law codes preserved in Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese, Clarke provides a comprehensive, pan-Indian picture of Buddhist monastic attitudes toward family. Whereas scholars have often assumed that monastic Buddhism must be anti-familial, he demonstrates that these assumptions were clearly not shared by the authors/redactors of Indian Buddhist monastic law codes.

Shayne Clarke provides a basis to rethink later forms of Buddhist monasticism such as those found in Central Asia, Kaśmīr, Nepal, and Tibet not in terms of corruption and decline but of continuity and development of a monastic or renunciant ideal that we have yet to understand fully.

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About the Author:

Shayne Clarke is associate professor in the Department of Religious Studies at McMaster University.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.:

Chapter One

The Rhinoceros in the Room

Monks and Nuns and Their Families

A nun gave birth to a baby boy. Not knowing what to do, she informed the Buddha of this matter.

The Buddha said, “I authorize a twofold ecclesiastical act for appointing a nun to attend her.”...

The two nuns held the child, and produced doubt [as to whether they had committed an offense].

The Buddha said, “There is no transgression.”

The two nuns slept together with the child, and produced doubt.

The Buddha said, “Again, there is no transgression.”

Having adorned the child, together [the nuns] fawned [upon him].

The Buddha said, “That should not be done. I authorize you to bathe and to nurse him. If he [is old enough to] leave the breast, you should give him to a monk, and let him go forth [into the religious life]. If you do not wish to have him go forth [into the religious life], you should give him to relatives, and have him brought up.”1

This series of four rules introduces monastic legislation to accommodate any pregnant nuns who give birth to baby boys within Indian Buddhist nunneries. Translated here from the Mahīśāsakavinaya, an Indian Buddhist monastic law code (vinaya) preserved in a fifth-century C.E. Chinese translation, the narrative recounts how a particular Buddhist “nun,” a bhikṣuṇī,2 Without any explicit or even implicit criticism of the birth of a son to an ordained Buddhist nun, the authors or redactors of this monastic law code, canonical Indian Buddhist jurists, put into the mouth of the gave birth to a baby boy. Buddha a series of rules to appoint a fellow nun to attend the newly delivered mother-nun.3

This narrative and other similar stories preserved in the extant corpus of Buddhist monastic law codes complicate generally accepted scholarly and popular views of Indian Buddhist monastic life. Scholarly consensus has painted a picture in which Indian Buddhist monks and nuns severed all ties with their families when they left home for the religious life; monks and nuns remained celibate, and those who faltered in their “vows” of monastic celibacy were immediately and irrevocably expelled from the Buddhist order.

But the vision of the monastic life that emerges from a close reading of “in-house” monastic law codes challenges this conventional picture and some of our most basic scholarly notions of what it meant to be a Buddhist monk or nun in India. The narratives in these monastic law codes often depict monks and nuns as continuing to interact and associate with their families. Far from renouncing familial ties, some monastics are described as leaving home for the religious life together with their children. Although we are not accustomed to thinking about the marital status of monks and nuns, Indian Buddhist monastic law did not require monastics to dissolve their marriages upon entrance into the religious life.4 Indeed, men and women are depicted within vinaya literature as sometimes even leaving home for the religious life together, as married monastic couples. Moreover, the authors/redactors of the extant monastic legal codes―the monks who quite literally made the rules, the authors of canonical Indian Buddhisms―legislated to accommodate not only pregnant nuns and monastic motherhood, but in certain circumstances even those who breached clerical celibacy.


1. Indian Buddhist Monasticisms

Modern Western understandings of Indian Buddhist monasticisms seem to have been based largely on two sets of images: (1) European notions of medieval Christian monasticism and (2) visions of the ideal monk from within modern, particularly Theravāda, Buddhist traditions and their canonical texts. Each of these images has served to shape the course and selectivity of scholarship on Indian Buddhist monasticisms.

Some of the earliest modern European references to Buddhist monks come from explorers and missionaries who traveled in Asia.5 Early travelers and subsequent scholars have referred to the Buddhist bhikṣu, the full-time vocational religious specialist, by a variety of names, including almsmen, bonzes, clerics, friars, monks, priests, and talapoins.6 Today, the most widely used term for Sanskrit bhikṣu (Pāli bhikkhu) (lit. “beggar”) seems to be “monk,” and this can be traced back at least as early as 1828, to Brian Houghton Hodgson.7

the founding fathers of Buddhist studies, Hodgson equated the Buddhist bhikṣu with his Christian counterpart; he tells us that “Buddhist monachism agrees surprisingly with Christian....”8

In the nineteenth century, scholarly understandings of terms such as “monk” and “monasticism” appear to have been shaped by medieval Benedictine notions of the monastic ideal. Susanna Elm suggests that, until very recently, “the historiography of monasticism as a whole, regarding its history both before and after Benedict, remains dominated and deeply influenced by the notions exemplified by Benedictine monasticism and its related concerns.”9

Recent studies in Christian monasticism, particularly in the field of late antiquity, are beginning to move beyond the idea of a monolithic monastic ideal or norm as represented by the (later) Benedictine Rule.10 By comparison, the field of Buddhist studies has been slow to reevaluate its own assumptions concerning the religious life. The name of Benedict may not necessarily spring to the minds of scholars of Buddhist history. Yet, I would argue that it is this image of the monastic ideal that is ingrained in many scholars’ presuppositions concerning the religious life of the Buddhist bhikṣu.11

A scholar of late antiquity might now find it reasonable to ask whether fourth-century Egyptian or Byzantine monks continued to interact with their families.12 For many scholars of Buddhist studies, however, such questions may seem misplaced. Indeed, Buddhism is about renunciation of one’s family―or so runs the received wisdom.13

Why would a nun or monk continue to associate with a family member whom s/he had just renounced or abandoned? It is precisely assumptions such as this that have guided the questions scholars of Buddhist history have asked and, more important, not asked. I contend that the assumption of a complete lack of contact between monastics and their family members has contributed to the construction of a scholarly and popular vision of Indian Buddhist monasticisms that is not supported by the preponderance of our premodern evidence.

When early scholars looked at canonical Buddhist literature with certain preconceptions about the monastic life, the images of “monks” and “nuns” that they saw largely confirmed their assumptions. Yet what they accepted as representative of Buddhist monasticisms was, I suggest, highly romanticized and rhetorically charged. Here we might consider an important example from some of the earliest known strata of Buddhist literature:14 the Rhinoceros Horn Sūtra, a Gāndhārī version of which is preserved on a birch-bark scroll from, according to Richard Salomon,15 perhaps the first century B.C.E. The following verses typify the renunciant ideal lauded by this text:16

Having given up son and wife and money, possessions and kinsmen and relatives...(*one should wander alone like the rhinoceros).17

Casting off the marks of a householder like a mountain ebony tree shorn of its leaves, (*leaving home, wearing) the saffron robe, (*one should wander alone like the rhinoceros).

Having broken the ties of a householder, like a bird who has torn a strong net, not returning (*as a fire [does not return] to what it has burnt, one should wander alone like the rhinoceros).18

The Rhinoceros Horn Sūtra contains explicit exhortations to abandon kith and kin, forsake wealth and material gain, and go forth and wander alone like the rhinoceros (or its horn).19 Something akin to this ideal arguably forms the cornerstone of modern scholarly understandings of Buddhist monasticisms.20 A few examples should suffice to establish not the validity but the centrality of this image as a vision of the Buddhist monastic ideal in scholarly literature.21

In his 1881 introduction to the translation of the Sutta-nipāta, the collection within which the Theravāda or Pāli version of the same sūtra is found, V. Fausböll comments that “in the contents of the Suttanipâta we have, I think, an important contribution to the right understanding of Primitive Buddhism, for we see here a picture not of life in monasteries, but of the life of hermits in its first stage.”22 Indeed, readers are not left to make up their own minds as to what constitutes “the right understanding of Primitive Buddhism.” Fausböll introduces his translation of the Rhinoceros Horn Sutta as follows:

Family life and intercourse with others should be avoided, for society has all vices in its train; therefore one should leave the corrupted state of society and lead a solitary life.23

It is here, I suggest, in “the life of hermits,” the abandonment of family and society in general, that we see Fausböll’s―and subsequent generations’―“right understanding of Primitive Buddhism,” a Buddhism that is clearly to be differentiated from that of “life in monasteries.” In other words, Fausböll seems to posit two Buddhisms: a pure or original form of Buddhism as exemplified by the Rhinoceros Horn ideal, and a later, presumably degenerate, monastic form.

Fausböll seems to have taken the Rhinoceros Horn Sutta as a window on what, in 1889, Monier Monier-Williams would call “true Buddhism...the Buddhism of the Piṭakas or Pāli texts,”24 a Buddhism which Monier-Williams clearly contrasted with “the changes Buddhism underwent before it died out in India,” including “its corruptions in some of the countries bordering on India and in Northeastern Asia.”25 More than half a century later, B. G. Gokhale repeats Fausböll’s earlier and still prominent view, suggesting that “the spirit of early Buddhism” is to be found in the Rhinoceros Horn Sutta.

If there is any one text in the whole expanse of Pāli Literature reflecting the spirit of early Buddhism it is the Khaggavisāṇa Sutta....The ideal described in the sutta ...is that of the lonely arhat, who has completely turned his back on the world and wanders alone like “the horn of the rhinoceros.”26

A few years later, in 1970, Melford Spiro, a cultural anthropologist known in the field of Buddhist studies for his work on Theravāda Buddhism among the Burmese, reiterates the received wisdom on the Rhinoceros Horn ideal, although this time in the abstract. For Spiro, this now seems to be a pan-Buddhist ideal, not simply a “primitive” or “early” one.

To renounce the world, according to Buddhism, means to renounce all ties―parents, family, spouse, friends, and property―and to “wander alone like the rhinoceros.”27

In a 1975 article on Buddhist understandings of the Indian notion of karma, Richard Gombrich invokes the Rhinoceros Horn Sutta to make the point that “the first Buddhists were asocial, even antisocial,”28 a point often made about Indian renunciation:29

Once one had taken the Buddha’s message seriously enough to act on it, one abandoned all social ties, and had as little human company as possible―‘Go lonely as the rhinoceros’.30

It may be countered that views from the late 1880s or even the 1970s are not only old but also outdated, that they no longer hold any currency. Old they may be, but similar sentiments continue to feature in recent scholarship. Examples attesting to the ubiquity and centrality of the image of the Rhinoceros Horn may be found in a range of scholarly opinions, from anthropologists of Southeast Asia to specialists in East Asian Buddhism to scholars of Indian religions.31 Take, for instance, Gananath Obeyesekere’s 2002 statement that “Buddhism insisted that the monk should live ‘lonely as the single horn of the rhinoceros,’”32 or Bernard Faure’s 2003 statement, in his book on gender in Buddhism, that “the early ascetic or monastic attitude ...posits that ‘a bodhisattva should wander alone like a rhinoceros.’”33 Although admitting the existence of other Buddhisms in their 2003 work on the sociology of early Buddhism, Greg Bailey and Ian Mabbett tell us that “the monks who received the earliest Buddhist message were expected to live it as homeless mendicants, severing all ties with society.”34 Not surprisingly, Bailey and Mabbett cite the Sutta-nipāta in general and the Rhinoceros Horn Sutta in particular as “a probable locus for an early stage of Buddhist thought about a monk’s life.”35 In 2004, Gavin Flood contends that “the ideal monk has renounced the world and family ties, renounced a settled life in a home and wanders in order to seek his own liberation....The Sutta-nipāta, for example, compares the solitary ascetic wanderer to a rhinoceros horn.”36 Finally, and most recently, in a section entitled “Monks and Their Families” in her 2012 book on maternal imagery in Indian Buddhism, while clearly recognizing that life “on the ground” was much more complicated, Reiko Ohnuma maintains that “early Buddhist discourses such as the famous Rhinoceros Horn Discourse ...likewise make it clear that the life of the ideal Buddhist renunciant necessarily involves a rejection of familial ties.”37

For the most part, the scholars quoted above are careful not to conflate a prescriptive exhortation with a descriptive account of what Buddhists did.38 Others, however, have understood the exhortation as evidence of actual Buddhist practice in India.39 Although there is scholarly debate as to whether this ideal is in its origins pre-Buddhist, original, primitive, early, or otherwise,40 the quotations above offer an indication of the privileged position that the Rhinoceros Horn
Sutta holds not only in the early construction but also in recent scholarly understandings of the ideals of the religious life of the Indian Buddhist bhikṣu.41

But the Rhinoceros Horn may well turn out to be a red herring altogether: the renunciant ideal espoused by the Rhinoceros Horn Sutta is certainly not the ideal of mainstream monasticisms as known to us from the extant monastic law codes. In fact, Buddhaghosa, the fifth-century C.E. purported author of the Paramatthajotikā, a text in which we find a commentary to the Rhinoceros Horn Sutta, seems to have had trouble with the concept of monks who wandered alone, having abandoned kith and kin. This conservative commentator appears to have made sense of this form of the religious life only by explaining it away as something that not monks but solitary buddhas
(paccekabuddhas; Skt. pratyekabuddhas) do.42 Indeed, as Rupert Gethin has noted, the image of the Rhinoceros Horn seems to have appealed more to scholars of Indian Buddhism than Indian Buddhists themselves.43

What is missing from scholarly discussions of the Rhinoceros Horn ideal is a recognition of its function as rhetoric. In discussing the “domestication of asceticism,” Patrick Olivelle has argued that “Indian ascetic traditions...were never totally asocial or antisocial....Nevertheless,...in their rhetoric, images, and rituals [they] tended to accentuate their separation from familial and social life.”44 This accentuation is exactly what we see in Buddhist sūtra literature, and exactly what seems to be missing from “in-house” monastic law codes, a genre of Buddhist literature written so...

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Descripción University of Hawai i Press, United States, 2014. Hardback. Estado de conservación: New. Language: English . Brand New Book. Scholarly and popular consensus has painted a picture of Indian Buddhist monasticism in which monks and nuns severed all ties with their families when they left home for the religious life. In this view, monks and nuns remained celibate, and those who faltered in their vows of monastic celibacy were immediately and irrevocably expelled from the Buddhist Order. This romanticized image is based largely on the ascetic rhetoric of texts such as the Rhinoceros Horn Sutra.Through a study of Indian Buddhist law codes (vinaya), Shayne Clarke dehorns the rhinoceros, revealing that in their own legal narratives, far from renouncing familial ties, Indian Buddhist writers take for granted the fact that monks and nuns would remain in contact with their families. Surveying the still largely uncharted terrain of Indian Buddhist monastic law codes preserved in Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese, Clarke provides a comprehensive, pan-Indian picture of Buddhist monastic attitudes toward family. Whereas scholars have often assumed that monastic Buddhism must be anti-familial, he demonstrates that these assumptions were clearly not shared by the authors/redactors of Indian Buddhist monastic law codes.Shayne Clarke provides a basis to rethink later forms of Buddhist monasticism such as those found in Central Asia, Ka?m?r, Nepal, and Tibet not in terms of corruption and decline but of continuity and development of a monastic or renunciant ideal that we have yet to understand fully. Nº de ref. de la librería AAC9780824836474

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Descripción University of Hawai i Press, United States, 2014. Hardback. Estado de conservación: New. Language: English . Brand New Book. Scholarly and popular consensus has painted a picture of Indian Buddhist monasticism in which monks and nuns severed all ties with their families when they left home for the religious life. In this view, monks and nuns remained celibate, and those who faltered in their vows of monastic celibacy were immediately and irrevocably expelled from the Buddhist Order. This romanticized image is based largely on the ascetic rhetoric of texts such as the Rhinoceros Horn Sutra.Through a study of Indian Buddhist law codes (vinaya), Shayne Clarke dehorns the rhinoceros, revealing that in their own legal narratives, far from renouncing familial ties, Indian Buddhist writers take for granted the fact that monks and nuns would remain in contact with their families. Surveying the still largely uncharted terrain of Indian Buddhist monastic law codes preserved in Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese, Clarke provides a comprehensive, pan-Indian picture of Buddhist monastic attitudes toward family. Whereas scholars have often assumed that monastic Buddhism must be anti-familial, he demonstrates that these assumptions were clearly not shared by the authors/redactors of Indian Buddhist monastic law codes.Shayne Clarke provides a basis to rethink later forms of Buddhist monasticism such as those found in Central Asia, Ka?m?r, Nepal, and Tibet not in terms of corruption and decline but of continuity and development of a monastic or renunciant ideal that we have yet to understand fully. Nº de ref. de la librería AAC9780824836474

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