The Last Crusade in the West: Castile and the Conquest of Granada (The Middle Ages Series)

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9780812245875: The Last Crusade in the West: Castile and the Conquest of Granada (The Middle Ages Series)

By the middle of the fourteenth century, Christian control of the Iberian Peninsula extended to the borders of the emirate of Granada, whose Muslim rulers acknowledged Castilian suzerainty. No longer threatened by Moroccan incursions, the kings of Castile were diverted from completing the Reconquest by civil war and conflicts with neighboring Christian kings. Mindful, however, of their traditional goal of recovering lands formerly ruled by the Visigoths, whose heirs they claimed to be, the Castilian monarchs continued intermittently to assault Granada until the late fifteenth century.

Matters changed thereafter, when Fernando and Isabel launched a decade-long effort to subjugate Granada. Utilizing artillery and expending vast sums of money, they methodically conquered each Naṣrid stronghold until the capitulation of the city of Granada itself in 1492. Effective military and naval organization and access to a diversity of financial resources, joined with papal crusading benefits, facilitated the final conquest. Throughout, the Naṣrids had emphasized the urgency of a jihād waged against the Christian infidels, while the Castilians affirmed that the expulsion of the "enemies of our Catholic faith" was a necessary, just, and holy cause. The fundamentally religious character of this last stage of conflict cannot be doubted, Joseph F. O'Callaghan argues.

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About the Author:

Joseph F. O'Callaghan is Professor Emeritus of Medieval History at Fordham University and author of numerous books. With The Last Crusade in the West, he concludes the magisterial history begun in his earlier The Gibraltar Crusade: Castile and the Battle for the Strait and Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain, both available from the University of Pennsylvania Press.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.:

Introduction
Castile and the Emirate of Granada

Ever since the Muslim invasion of the Iberian Peninsula in the eighth century, the Christians had fought to expel them. The present volume describes the ebb and flow of that conflict, known as the reconquest, from the middle of the fourteenth century until its completion in 1492. Accorded crusading status by the papacy, the struggle continued long after serious attempts to recover the Holy Land had been abandoned, and so can rightly be called the last crusade in the West.

The Reconquest: From Abeyance to Completion

Not long after the Muslims destroyed the Visigothic kingdom, independent Christians in the northernmost reaches of the peninsula expressed their hope of recovering the land that had been lost. The idea that the kings of Castile-León, as heirs of the Visigoths, ought to reconstitute the Visigothic realm, including the ancient Roman province of Mauritania in North Africa, gained early currency and persisted until the close of the Middle Ages. The achievement of that lofty goal was slow, but in the late eleventh century the balance of power shifted in favor of the Christians who drove the frontier south of Toledo on the Tagus River. Invaders from Morocco, first the Almoravids and then the Almohads, temporarily halted that advance but failed to regain lost territory.

Acknowledging that the war against the Moors (as the Christians called the Muslims) was in the interest of Christendom, successive popes offered participants the crusading indulgence or remission of sins, and various personal and proprietary legal protections. The papacy also provided financial aid from ecclesiastical income. As Portugal and Aragón reached their fullest extent by the mid-thirteenth century, only Castile, after conquering Córdoba and Seville, had a frontier directly abutting Granada, the last bastion of Islamic rule in Spain. In 1246, Ibn al-Aḥmar, the first of the Naṣrid dynasty and the founder of the emirate of Granada, in order to preserve his autonomy, became a Castilian vassal, promising court attendance, military service, and an annual tribute (parias). After the fall of Seville in 1248 the Castilian monarchs strove to consolidate their conquest and to dominate the Guadalquivir River valley to its mouth. Intent on curtailing invasion by the Marinids of Morocco, they tried to wrest control of Algeciras, Gibraltar, and Tarifa, ports giving access to the peninsula. Alfonso XI's victory at the Salado River in 1340 effectively ended Moroccan intervention. Though he conquered Algeciras in 1344, his death in 1350, while besieging Gibraltar, brought the crusade to a halt

Marinid decline isolated the Naṣrids, but, as they posed no significant threat, the Castilians felt no urgency to attack them. Consequently, the reconquest fell into abeyance. No longer troubled by a possible Moroccan intrusion, Pedro I concentrated on war with Aragón and the opposition of his half-brother, Enrique of Trastámara, but never undertook a sustained campaign against Granada. The Trastámara monarchs, concerned to secure their throne, arranged a series of truces with the Naṣrids extending into the early fifteenth century. The rupture of the truce enabled Infante Fernando, as regent for Juan II, to capture Antequera in 1410, but his election as king of Aragón diverted his attention from Granada. Quarrels with the nobility disturbed the long reign of Juan II, who defeated the Naṣrids at La Higueruela in 1431 but failed to gain any territory. His son Enrique IV ravaged Granada early in his reign, but increasing discord with the nobility and a dispute over the succession thwarted his efforts to subjugate the emirate. These intermittent crusading efforts are essential to a full understanding of the Castilian conquest of Granada and ought not to be passed over lightly.

After so many years of sporadic military operations, Fernando and Isabel, the "Reyes Católicos" or "Catholic Kings," made the conquest their chief priority. After bringing the fractious nobility to heel, they provided an outlet for their aggressiveness in the war against the Moors. With public order and the prestige of the monarchy restored, they marshaled the resources of the realm and of the church to support the war. Despite the expense and the exhaustion of their people, the king and queen, armed with crusading bulls, persisted in their task for ten years, using artillery to reduce one stronghold after another. Following the capitulation of Granada in 1491, they entered the city in triumph in January 1492. The reconquest was over. As a political entity Islamic Spain was no more. However, the incorporation of thousands of Muslims into the Crown of Castile proved to be a most arduous task.

Granada Around 1350

Mountain ranges intersected by valleys and plains dominated Naṣrid Granada and impeded the conquest. Dotting the landscape were walled cities, each with its citadel (alcazaba) and a string of dependent castles controlling the surrounding region. Countless watchtowers provided early warning of enemy movements in the contested no-man's land between Castile and Granada.

The Mediterranean Sea defined Granada's southernmost boundary. East of Gibraltar the ports of Estepona, Marbella, Fuengirola, Málaga, Vélez Málaga, Almúñecar, Salobreña, Adra, and Almería marked the coastline until it turned northward to Vera and Aguilas adjacent to Castilian Murcia. North of Gibraltar Castellar, Jimena, and Arcos de la Frontera established the western Castilian border before shifting eastward to Olvera. Opposite that line was Ubrique on the edge of the Sierra de Grazalema. Ronda, adjoining the Serranía de Ronda, was the most important Muslim fortress in the west. Between there and Málaga were Álora and Coín. The deep valleys and inaccessible terrain of al-Sharqiyya (Ajarquía) provided a strong defensive bulwark for Vélez Málaga and Málaga. On its northern edge was Alhama. From Olvera the northern frontier ran eastward through Antequera, Archidona, and Loja and then extended just north of the capital.

Traversed by the Genil and Darro rivers, Granada attained prominence in the eleventh century as the seat of one of the petty kingdoms (taifas) emerging from the disintegration of the Caliphate of Córdoba. The Naṣrids developed the palace of the Alhambra with its characteristic red walls on a hilltop overlooking the Albaicín, the nucleus of the medieval city. Numerous villages, farms, wheat fields, orchards, and vineyards, nourished by extensive irrigation canals in the vega or surrounding plain, provided an abundance of food. The Castilians regularly plundered the vega, just as the Moors crossed it to raid Castilian positions. Loja, on the Genil River, guarded access to Granada from the west, while on the north, Montefrío, Íllora, Moclín, Colomera, and Iznalloz formed a buffer against Castilian forays from Alcalá la Real, Priego, and Alcaudete. The Moors similarly raided the Castilian kingdom of Jaén from bases at Cambil and Alhabar in the northeast.

Granada lies in the shadow of the Sierra Nevada, a mountain range stretching eastward about forty-six miles. Spreading southward toward the coast is La Alpujarra or Las Alpujarras, a region of fertile valleys lying beneath sharply rising mountains. The Andarax River, bordering Las Alpujarras and the Sierra de Gador, flows southward to Almería. The principal towns east of Granada were Guadix, often the seat of minor branches of the royal family; Baza, bordered by the Sierra de Baza; Huéscar to the northeast; and Vélez Rubio and Vélez Blanco near the Murcian frontier. South of Baza were the Sierra de las Estancias and the Sierra de los Filabres, separated by the valley of the Almanzora River leading to Vera near the coast.

About 300,000 to 350,000 persons resided in the emirate. In the fifteenth century the capital had approximately 50,000 inhabitants, Málaga, 20,000, and Almería, 9,000. The numbers for Guadix, Baza, Loja, Alhama, Ronda, and Vélez Málaga were about 6,000 to 10,000 and for Antequera, Marbella, Coín, Vélez Blanco, Vélez Rubio, and Vera about 2,500 to 5,000. Many smaller places had between 500 and 1,000 residents. In contrast to the majority of Berber origin, the aristocracy claimed descent from the Arabs, but their rivalries often disturbed public order. Even worse were conflicts within the Naṣrid dynasty that weakened the monarchy and ultimately led to its downfall. Granada, where most people were Muslims, was hardly a land of three religions. There were only about 3,000 Jews, who were settled in coastal towns and the capital and dedicated to small crafts and commerce. The Mozarabs or indigenous Christian population had long since disappeared. Small numbers of Christian merchants, especially Catalans and Genoese, dwelled in the ports and principal cities. In the fifteenth century Christian soldiers served in the royal guard, but many converted to Islam. Most Christian inhabitants were slaves taken in wartime and put to hard labor in the towns and countryside. Some, in order to ameliorate their condition, became Muslims and rose to prominence in the royal court. There were also many black slaves from Africa.

Agricultural production included wheat, barley, and millet, but as the wheat supply was never sufficient more had to be imported from North Africa. Apples, oranges, and figs were produced in great quantities, as were olives and olive oil. Vineyards were plentiful and, despite the Qur'anic prohibition, wine was consumed regularly. Irrigation canals brought an abundance of water to thirsty fields. Sheep, cattle, and goats were raised especially in mountainous areas, but they were the constant target of Castilian marauders. Although iron, lead, and zinc were mined, there were few important deposits of gold and silver. Inland transport was difficult where good roads were lacking; mules were particularly useful in carrying goods over mountain passes.

Granada maintained an active overseas commerce with its Christian and Muslim neighbors. Its products could be found in the ports of Valencia, Cádiz, Seville, Lisbon, Tlemcen, and Tunis, and as far north as Montpellier, and Bruges. Dominating that trade were the Genoese, who were prominent in Málaga (where they had a consulate) and Almería. They imported wool and finished woolen cloth from Flanders and Tuscany, as well as cotton, spices, drugs, pearls, silver, oil, and paper from the east. Major exports included sugar, raisins, figs, almonds, and saffron. Exchanges at Málaga, Granada, and Almería regulated the quantity and quality of silk for export. After the fall of Granada many emigrants put their assets into easily transportable silk bundles that could be converted into other forms of wealth.

The tax burden was heavy partly because of the tribute owed to Castile. Although levied spasmodically, it usually amounted to 12,000 gold doblas or one-quarter to one-fifth of Naṣrid revenues. Especially important were the alms-tax of one-tenth ('ushr, zakāt, açaque), ordinarily payable in coin or wheat, barley, and millet, and a comparable levy on vineyards and olive orchards. Al-ma'ūna (almaguana) was an annual tax of 2.5 percent on landed property and al-fiṭra (alfitra) was a yearly head tax of 2 dirhams. Various taxes were imposed on livestock, including migratory sheep, either in coin or one to two head for every forty animals. A sales tax (magran) of 10 percent was comparable to the Castilian diezmo y medio diezmo de lo morisco of 10.5 percent. Other taxes were collected on fisheries and maritime commerce. Exports were taxed at 2.5 percent and imports at 11 percent. Inheritance taxes ranged from 17.3 percent to 34.6 percent. The Jews paid a poll tax (jizya).

Sources for Study

Christian narrative and documentary sources for this study are much fuller than previously. The anonymous Fourth General Chronicle continued the history of the Castilian kings down to 1454. Of greater value are the histories of individual monarchs by several laymen holding prominent positions in the royal court. A soldier, diplomat, and statesman, Pedro López de Ayala (1332-1406) has been called the first Castilian humanist. Initially an adherent of Pedro I, he abandoned him for Enrique II and thereafter loyally served Juan I and Enrique III, who appointed him chancellor. His chronicles of their reigns from 1350 to 1395 constitute a valuable record by a perceptive observer and participant in many events. Though he depicted Pedro I as cruel, he otherwise strove to be objective and generally displayed sound historical judgment. A poet of some ability, in his Rimado de Palacio he lamented contemporary immorality, the evils of the Great Western Schism, and government abuses.

The chief falconer Pedro Carrillo de Huete (d. 1454) chronicled the reign of Juan II from 1420 to 1450. Although his pedestrian style lacks literary grace, he was an eyewitness and utilized many chancery documents. Lope de Barrientos, the bishop of Cuenca (d. 1469) and royal confessor, subsequently amplified his composition.

Appointed the royal chronicler, Álvar García de Santa María (d. 1460), a convert from Judaism, began the detailed Chronicle of Juan II . An eyewitness of many occurrences, for others he secured "certain and complete information from prudent men, worthy of faith." His assessment of Fernando de Antequera is positive and he normally favored the king. Straightforward and almost journalistic in his recording of everyday happenings, he avoided hyperbole and exaggeration. The first part, covering the years 1406-19, focused chiefly on Fernando's activities as regent and later as king of Aragón. The second part spans the years 1420-34.

In 1517 when Lorenzo Galíndez de Carvajal (d. c. 1530), a member of Fernando and Isabel's council, revised the Chronicle of Juan II, he acknowledged that several others continued Álvar García's work down to the king's death. Chief among them was Fernán Pérez de Guzmán (d. c. 1460), whose reworking of the text is distinguished by its harmonious style and appreciation of the significance of historical events. A nephew of López de Ayala, he was active during the reigns of Enrique III and Juan II, but his opposition to Álvaro de Luna hastened his retirement. In Lineages and Portraits, he sketched the leading figures of his time whom he knew personally. His Praise of the Distinguished Men of Spain is a poetic description of kings, princes, bishops, and other great men.

Historical works relating to Enrique IV reveal the heated passions that marked the contemporary political arena. Alonso Fernández de Palencia (d. 1492), named the royal chronicler, supported the attempt to make Enrique IV's half-brother Alfonso king and later took the side of Isabel, who named him ambassador to Aragón. His Deeds of Spain, written in elegant Latin, extends from the end of Juan II's reign to 1481. Known familiarly as the Décadas, the Gesta is divided into four decades, and these in turn into ten books, save the incomplete Fourth Decade, which has only six. His relentless hostility toward Enrique IV strongly influenced modern interpreters of the reign.

By contrast, Diego Enríquez del Castillo (d. 1480), th...

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